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PARALLEL 
OURCE PROBLEMS 

IN MEDIEVAL HISTORY 



BY 

FREDERIC DUNCALF, PH.D. 

ADJUNCT PROFESSOR, UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS 
AND 

AUGUST C. KREY, M.A. 

INSTRUCTOR, UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
WITH AN INTRODUCTION BV 

PROF. DANA CARLETON MUNRO 

OF THE UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN 




HARPER & BROTHERS PUBLISHERS 

NEW YORK AND LONDON 
MCMXII 






COPYRIGHT. 1912. BY HARPER a BROTHERS 
PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 



PUBLISHED NOVEMBER, 1912 



L-M 






CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Preface . vii 

Introduction xi 

I. THE CORONATION OF CHARLES THE GREAT 

I. The Historical Setting of the Problem .... 3 

II. The Authors of the Accounts 7 

III. Questions for Study 12 

IV. The Sources 13 

1. The Annates Laurissenses 13 

2. The Annates Laurishamenses ....... 16 

3. Einhard 18 

4. Theophanis 18 

5. Life of Leo III 19 

6. The Monk of St. Gall 23 

II. CANOSSA: FROM OPPENHEIM TO FORESHEIM 

I. The Historical Setting of the Problem .... 29 

II. The Authors of the Accounts 33 

III. Questions for Study 38 

IV. The Sources 40 

1. The Annals of Augsburg 40 

2. The Agreement at Oppenheim 41 

3. Lambert of Hersfeld 42 

iii 



Contents 

PAGE 

4. Berthold of Reichenau 56 

5. Bernold of St, Blais 72 

6. Arntdf 74 

7. Bruno's Saxon War 75 

8. Anonymous Life of Henry IV 81 

9. Bonizo, The Book to a Friend 84 

10. Donizo 85 

11. Letter of Gregory VII. to the German Princes, 

and Oath of Henry 87 

III. THE CAPTURE OF JERUSALEM IN 1099 

I. The Historical Setting of the Problem .... 95 

II. The Authors of the Accounts 98 

III. Questions for Study lOi 

IV. The Sources 103 

1. The Anonymous Deeds of the Franks . . . . 103 

2. Fulk of Chartrcs 109 

3. Raymond of Agiles 115 

IV. THE DEPARTURE OF THE UNIVERSITY FROM 

PARIS. 1 229-1 23 1 

I. The Historical Setting of the Problem .... 137 

II. The Authors of the Accounts 141 

III. Questions for Study 143 

IV. The Sources 145 

1. Mathew of Paris 145 

2. William of Nangis 148 

3. Alberic of Tres Pontes 149 

4. Ralph of Coggeshall 150 

5. The Annates of Dunstable 150 

6. Albert of Stade 150 

iv 



Contents 

PAGE 

7. Chronicle of Fecamp 151 

8. The Mare Historiarum 151 

9. Order of the Provisors. March 27, 1229 . . . 151 

10. Letter of Henry III. of England to Masters 

and Students. July 16, 1229 152 

11. Confirmation of Privilege of Philip Augustus. 

August, 1229 153 

12. Letter of Gregory IX. to Bishop of Paris. No- 

vember 23, 1229 158 

13. Letter of Gregory IX. to bishops of Le Mans and 

Senlis and Archdeacon of Chalons. Novem- 
ber 24, 1229 161 

14. Letter of Gregory IX. to the King and Queen of 

France. November 26, 1229 162 

15. Letter of Gregory IX. to the Masters and Students. 

May ID, 1230 164 

16. Letter of Gregory IX. to the Masters and Students. 

February 27, 1231 165 

17. Letter of Gregory IX. to the Abbot of St. Ger- 

main. April 13, 1231 172 

18. Letter of Gregory IX. to the King of France. 

April 18, 1231 173 

V. THE CORONATION OF COLA DI RIENZO 

I. The Historical Setting of the Problem . . . . 177 

II. The Authors of the Accounts 183 

III. Questions for Study ' . . . . 187 

IV. The Sources 189 

1. Titles used by Cola di Rienzo 189 

2. Letter of Clement VI. to Raymond and Rienzo. 

June 27, 1347 190 

V 



Contents - 

PAGE 

3. Letter of Rienzo to the Commune of Florence. 

July 9, 1347 192 

4. Letter of Rienzo to a Friend at Avignon. July 

15, 1347 193 

5. Anonymous Life of Rienzo. 1347 196 

6. Citation of German Emperor and Electors. 

August I, 1347 203 

7. Letter of Rienzo to Clement VI. August 5, 1347 207 

8. Giovanni Villani : fl"M/ona Universalis. 1347-8 . 211 

9. Program of the Coronation. August 15, 1347 . 214 

10. Letter of Clement VI. to the Papal Legate. 

August 21, 1347 216 

11. Letter of Rienzo to Clement VI. August 

15-31, 1347 217 

12. Letter of Rienzo to Rinaldo Orsini. September 

17, 1347 220 

13. Letter of Rienzo to the Commune of Florence. 

September 19, 1347 222 

14. Letter of Rienzo to Clement VI. October 

II, 1347 226 

15. Letter of Clement VI. to the Papal Legate. 

October 12, 1347 231 

16. Letter of Clement VI. to People of Rome. De- 

cember 3, 1347 235 

Appendix 239 

Index 245 



PREFACE 

THE foremost purpose of the present book is to 
provide parallel source translations, so ar- 
ranged and equipped with descriptive information 
that effective training can be given in the use of 
source material. Although the five problems here 
presented are based on very definite events in Me- 
dieval history, they have also a certain illustrative 
value. The more intensive study of sources, which 
the arrangement of the book demands, should arouse 
greater interest on the part of the average student, 
and should produce a real appreciation of the nature 
and importance of sources, as well as a deeper insight 
into the life and character of the people described. 

Enough time must be devoted to each problem to 
give ample opportunity for careful and thorough 
study. The class should first be asked to read the 
entire problem for discussion in recitation. The sug- 
gested questions, or others of similar kind, can then 
be assigned to individual students for written exer- 
cises. The student should then be required to 
search the extracts for every point bearing on his 
topic, to interprete according to his best judgment, 

vii 



Preface 

and to apply such information as is given in the 
introductory statements concerning the reUability of 
the authors and the value of the different selections. 
While each report should be exhaustive, it should 
also be concise and definite, and should be carefully 
criticized and corrected by the instructor. 

By thus working on a definite task it is believed 
that the student will obtain elementary training in 
the fundamentals of historical method. At the same 
time the intensive knowledge of certain phases of 
Medieval history gained thereby will probably be 
ot greater value than would the more extensive in- 
formation that might be derived from the study of 
more numerous and varied extracts. The problems 
are intended to show certain important forces and 
institutions in their true setting. To a limited 
extent they possess some degree of continuity. For 
example, the empire and papacy appear in the docu- 
ments at different stages of their development. 
There is abundant opportunity for the student to 
use much of the information previously obtained 
from lectures and reading, and the work on the 
problems can be made a stimulating and practical 
test of the progress of the class. It is sincerely hoped 
that the book will enable teachers to obtain better 
results in the use of source material. Not every 
teacher has the facilities or the time to explain the 
background of isolated documents so that the stu- 
dents can understand their importance. These par- 

viii 



Preface 

allel extracts supplement each other and supply 
enough information to start the student to work on 
his own initiative. The teacher's time can thus be 
spent in criticism and suggestion. 

We wish to express our grateful indebtedness to 
Prof. D. C. Munro, from the inspiration of whose 
teaching the idea in this book has developed. Any 
merit that the plan may have is largely the fruit of 
his suggestion and encouragement. Teachers who 
know the spirit of the history department of the 
University of Wisconsin will appreciate the impor- 
tance of the work that it is doing for the improvement 
of history teaching. We have profited from the 
work of all who have endeavored to show the pos- 
sibilities of source study in history teaching. In 
particular, however, we owe much to some of the 
Pennsylvania Translations and Reprints, to the plan 
of which the arrangement of this volume is very 
similar. 

F. D. 

A. C. K. 



INTRODUCTION 

IN teaching history the advantages to be gained 
from the use of some source material are gener- 
ally recognized. "Experience has proved, not only 
that the interest of students can be more readily 
obtained through the vividness of a direct and first- 
hand presentation, and that knowledge thus gained 
is more tangible and exact; but that the critical 
judgment is developed in no slight degree, and the 
ability as well as the interest for further study thus 
secured." 

The realization of these advantages has led to the 
preparation and publications of numerous volumes 
of source books, readings, etc. Unfortunately, the 
practice has usually been to supply "a multitude 
of fragments," spread out thinly over the whole 
chronological period and many classes of topics, with 
little or no guidance for the students. It is very 
doubtful whether "the critical judgment" can be 
developed by the study of a series of disconnected 
extracts, no matter "how carefully and thoughtfully 
made." Furthermore, the training to be derived 
from the use of sources cannot be obtained without 

xi 



Introduction 

intensive work on the part of both teachers and 
students. A short passage from some source may 
enliven the narrative and arouse interest, but cer- 
tainly will not exercise the judgment unless some 
data are furnished concerning the passage upon which 
a judgment may be based. In fact, the use of the 
sources for teaching history has been going through 
much the same course as the use of the sources 
for writing history before the critical advance of the 
nineteenth century. It has been said by Ranke's 
admirers that before his constructive work the 
sources were read but not studied. While this 
statement is not entirely true, it does describe the 
general usage, and it might be applied, with impor- 
tant reservations, to the so-called source method of 
teaching in the last generation. 

This volimie has grown out of the experience of 
two of my former students. As teachers, both in 
secondary schools and colleges, they have come to 
realize the need of a book which would furnish suit- 
able material (and the necessary guidance) for 
critical and intensive work. They have wisely 
chosen topics which will interest the students and 
can be handled either in a high school or college. 
For each problem they have given important "par- 
allel" accounts, not disconnected fragments. The 
apparatus which accompanies the sources is amply 
sufficient for the guidance of either teachers or 
students, and makes it possible to use this work in 

xii 



Introduction 

private study or in correspondence courses. The 
topics are well distributed both chronologically and 
as to subject matter. It will be far better for the 
teachers to set aside occasionally a definite period 
of time for intensive work on one of these problems 
than to attempt each day to do a little with 
the sources. The pupils will form a much more 
correct idea of the material from which history is 
written and the way in which it must be studied. 
They will also be led to estimate more correctly the 
value of the different classes of sources. Both 
teachers and students are to be congratulated on 
the appearance of this new source book. 

Dana Carleton Munro. 

University of Wisconsin, October, 1912. 



PROBLEM I 

I. — The Coronation of Charles the Great 



PARALLEL SOURCE PROBLEMS 
IN MEDIEVAL HISTORY 

The Coronation of Charles the Great 

I. THE HISTORICAL SETTING OF THE PROBLEM 

THE importance of the coronation of Charles the 
Great depends largely upon what contemporaries and 
succeeding generations thought of this event. From the 
disappearance of the Roman Empire down through the 
Middle Ages the idea persisted that universal empire was 
the ideal form of state. Men were still unable to free 
themselves from the political conceptions that they had 
inherited from Rome, and were mentally incapable of 
seeing that the old idea, changed as it was in being handed 
down through the centuries, no longer suited the new 
conditions that were developing about them. The med- 
ieval empire was a false political conception, which was 
arbitrarily imposed upon society, and which was sup- 
ported by a public opinion that derived its strength from 
tradition. 

Society in 800 had lost all the essential elements of 

unity. The invasions had destroyed the old order, and 

the barbarians had settled in the empire in such numbers 

that a return to anything like former conditions was 

2' 3 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History- 
impossible. Society had disintegrated into small, self- 
sufficient communities, entirely dependent on agriculture, 
and with slight need for relations with each other. The 
demand for commerce had almost ceased, and communi- 
cation was becoming increasingly difficult. With such 
conditions existing there was no possibility of recreating 
the bonds that had given the Roman Empire its unity. 
Notwithstanding all this, the Prankish race by a remark- 
able series of conquests had succeeded in welding western 
Europe into a crude empire. It was held together by 
force and the personality of Charles. Beneath the sur- 
face, forces were at work which were soon to disrupt the 
Prankish state, but during the reign of Charles men did 
not realize the weakness of this new political structure. 
The glorious achievements of the Pranldsh kings and 
the intellectual revival, with its admiration for classical 
literature, produced a confident spirit that enabled men 
to see in the empire of Charles a likeness to the Roman 
Empire. Thus the imperial title was given to Charles and 
the Prankish state became the successor of the empire of 
Rome. 

To understand how this was possible it is necessary to 
trace the persistence of the Roman tradition, and to 
understand how the conceptions of what the old empire 
had been had imdergone a decided change. So deeply 
had Rome impressed itself on the ancient world that it 
was commonly believed that the empire was eternal. 
When the Roman government had disappeared, and had 
been replaced by barbarian kingdoms, men still cherished 
the delusion that the unity of the empire had not been 
destroyed, but that the western provinces were still 
nominally imder the rule of the emperor at Constanti- 
nople. The armies of Justinian were welcomed in the 
West, and writers long continued to reckon time by the 

4 



The Coronation of Charles the Great 

reigns of the eastern emperors. Even the barbarians 
never entirely lost their respect for Rome. They, too, 
seemed to believe in its eternity even when it had crumbled 
beneath their attack. They continued to serve as allies, 
their kings were flattered by the title of consul or patrician, 
and the effigy of the emperor continued to adorn their 
coins. They seemed to prefer to rule as representatives 
of the emperors rather than by right of conquest. Both 
conqueror and conquered strove to keep alive the fiction 
that the unity of the empire was still intact. 

However, the conceptions of empire underwent a trans- 
formation. The Church taught that the great mission 
of the Roman Empire was to preserve the Christian 
religion. As the idea of a universal Church grew up it 
identified itself with that of universal empire. The names 
of the Christian emperors were those which were cher- 
ished. Thus, the beHef in the unity of the empire came 
to have a reHgious rather than a political basis. The city 
of Rome regained something of its former prestige, not 
as a political capital, but as a religious center. Pilgrims 
in great numbers journeyed to the eternal city to visit 
the shrines of the saints. The papacy profited by this, 
but popes, as well as kings and all of the West, continued 
to look toward Constantinople with respect, and the 
vague hope for the political and religious unity of East 
and West continued. 

However, this dream of imperial imity did not prevent 
the gradual alienation of the West from the East. Friendly 
relations between popes and emperors were interrupted 
by controversies about differences in doctrine. The east- 
em emperors failed to measure up to the new imperial 
conception of the West. Moreover, the bitter discontent 
of the provincials with their Arian rulers led them to 
look to the more immediate aid that they might expect 

S 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

from the Franks, whose orthodoxy greatly aided them in 
their conquests. The CaroHngians were more and more 
recognized as the defenders of the Christian reHgion, and 
worked hand in hand with the Church in converting the 
peoples whom they conquered. Thus the West was able 
to see in the Prankish state the Christian state that 
conformed to its ideas of what an empire should be. 

Although Charles received his imperial title from the 
pope, the attitude of the papacy is not easy to understand. 
It would seem that Hadrian I., at least, was not anxious 
to have a new master that he could not control. The 
papacy had been forced to call in Pepin and his son to 
check the encroachments of the Lombards, but it was 
careful to make its own position seciire by the donations 
that it obtained from both Pepin and Charles. Far from 
encouraging imperial ambitions in the Prankish kings, 
Hadrian judiciously indicated that the title of patrician 
was purely honorary. The same pope apparently tried 
to balance the Byzantine ruler against the Prankish king 
to his own advantage, and showed no indications of 
desiring to make Charles an emperor. Events were to 
precipitate the coronation of 800. 

During the last years of the eighth century a changed 
attitude toward the Byzantine emperors developed. The 
rule of a woman, Irene, was regarded as wrong, and was 
interpreted to mean that the throne was really vacant. 
A proposed marriage between the daughter of Charles 
and the son of Irene was broken off by the empress. 
The Lihri Caroli, which were composed at the court of 
Charles, were filled with violent criticism of the acts and 
pretensions of the Byzantine emperors, and were evi- 
dently intended to create a pubUc opinion hostile to the 
eastern empire. 

In 795 Hadrian died and was succeeded by Leo III., 

6 



The Coronation of Charles the Great 

who was of humble origin, and to whom the Roman 
nobles, who had supported his aristocratic predecessor, 
were hostile. Insecure in his position at Rome, Leo was 
forced to look to Charles for protection. On April 25, 
799, the enemies of Leo attacked him and attempted to 
cut out his tongue and put out his eyes. The pope was 
rescued, and as soon as he had sufficiently recovered from 
his injuries he set out for Germany to ask Charles for 
aid. He found the Prankish king at his camp at Pader- 
bom, and was received with respect and consideration. 
The enemies of the pope had also forwarded their accusa- 
tions to the king, upon whom devolved the task of set- 
tling the trouble in the Roman Church, if he chose to 
accept such responsibility. The next year he made the 
journey to Rome which resulted in his coronation. 



II. THE AUTHORS OF THE ACCOUNTS 

In studying any historical problem it is first necessary 
to know when, where, by whom, and how the different 
accounts were written. The accoimt of an eye-witness, 
written shortly after the occurrence of the events described, 
is more reliable than an account composed a generation or 
more later. Next to the time element the character of 
the author must be considered. What were his qualifi- 
cations for accurate observation? Did he have a con- 
scious or unconscious bias that caused him to write a 
prejudiced narrative? The prejudice of an author may 
be purely personal, or it may be explained by the circum- 
stances amid which he lived and wrote. The modem 
historian strives to reach accurate and impartial con- 
clusions by a thorough study of the sources. During 
the Middle Ages the general mental Hmitations of the 

7 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

period prevented all writers from reaching such an 
impartial and impersonal viewpoint. Thus the medieval 
writer was not only lacking in critical ability, but his 
account was always colored by the political, religious, and 
intellectual ideas of the age. 

The sources of Carolingian history were written by the 
educated churchmen. Judged by modem requirements, 
they were men of very slight knowledge and limited intel- 
ligence. Their purpose in writing history was to instruct 
their readers in the rehgious significance of historical 
events. After the coronation of 800 they further en- 
deavored to show that the Roman Empire was restored 
by the Franks, and that the medieval empire was a 
direct continuation of the imperial power of the Roman 
emperors. 

Much of the historical writing of the period was in the 
form of annals, which are brief accounts of events, year 
by year. This method of writing history has an interest- 
ing origin. Many of the feast days of the Church de- 
pended upon the day upon which Easter came each year. 
So difficult was the computation of this date that the 
dates for Easter were worked out for long periods of 
years, and each monastery obtained one of these calen- 
dars. As the years were on the left side of the parchment 
and the Easter dates on the right, the monks began to 
make a brief record of any events that happened in a given 
year in the space found in the center of the parchment 
and along the margins. From this unambitious begin- 
ning we have the annals developing into longer chronicles 
of the events of the different years. They were written 
by monks, whose names we do not know, but presumably 
they were strictly contemporary. Unfortunately, copies 
of these annals were carried from one monastery to an- 
other, and the copyists were usually so inaccurate in their 



The Coronation of Charles the Great 

work that it is difficult to estimate the value of the 
variations or to know which manuscript may have been 
the original source, 

1. The Annales Laurissenses, or the Annals of Lorsch, 
are so named because one of the early manuscripts came 
from the abbey of Lorsch, and an early German editor 
concluded that they had been written in this monastery. 
However, it is now generally believed the annals after 
the year 7 89 were written by men who either lived at the 
court of Charles or were very closely connected with the 
court. They become a veritable chronicle of the deeds 
of Charles, and are often called the Royal Annals, and 
critics have tried to prove that they were written by 
Einhard or other famous men of the time. Another 
theory that has been advanced is that Charles himself 
had them written by his chaplains, and that they were 
thus official annals. None of these opinions can be 
accepted absolutely, but in any event we can be certain 
that the Annales Laurissenses were written by prominent 
men who probably lived at the center of political life and 
had access to the best sources of information. 

2. The Annales Laurishamenses were also attributed to 
the monks of Lorsch. Certain references to the monastery 
of Lorsch gave them their name, but it is not possible to 
know whether they were actually written there or were 
merely copied from other annals. They treat events 
in a very different manner from the Annales Laurissenses, 
and neither could have been a copy of the other. After 
the year 786 they develop into a more complete narrative 
of the events of each year and show a decided improvement 
in style. They relate military events, pohtical and state 
affairs, thus giving every indication of having been writ- 
ten by intelligent and well-informed men. 

3. The Vita Karoli (the Life of Charles) was written by 

9 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

Einhard, who was bom between 768 and 770, and died 
March 14, 840. He was educated in the monastery of 
Fulda, but became attached to the court about 794 or 
796. He was intimate with Charles, and occupied a prom- 
inent position in pubHc Ufe. The Vita was written 
shortly after the death of Charles, and no one was better 
qualified to be the emperor's biographer. Einhard was 
one of the group of learned men that Charles had gathered 
about him from all parts of the West, of which Alcuin was 
the guiding spirit and teacher. His interest in classical 
literature led him to imitate the Life of Augustus by 
Suetonius when he wrote the Vita Karoli. For this reason 
the subject matter and form of his biography are distinctly 
different from that of other writers of the period. From 
a literary standpoint, Einhard's work is one of the very 
best productions of the Carolingian renaissance. 

4. The Chronographia of Theophanis, called the "Con- 
fessor." 

Theophanis was a contemporary of Charles the Great 
and an important Greek writer. He was bom in the 
reign of Constantin Kopron>TTios (741-775). He was 
involved in the image-worship controversy, and was in 
prison for twelve years, being finally banished to the 
island of Samothrace, where he died about 817. Because 
of his sufferings in the cause of the Church he was honored 
as a confessor. 

At the death of Georges Synkellos, who was writing a 
history of the world, Theophanis promised to complete 
the chronicle which his friend was forced to leave incom- 
plete. He thus worked on the Chronographia {(History 
or Annals) from about 810 or 811 to 814 or 815. The 
Chronographia was a chronicle of world history, which 
was to have a great influence on the writers of history 
in the East and West, for it was soon translated into 



The Coronation of Charles the Great 

Latin, and thus became familiar to western scholars. 
The first part of the work is a mere compilation, but for 
the time of the coronation, Theophanis was a contempo- 
rary, and can give us something of the Byzantine attitude 
toward this event. 

5. The Vita Leonis III. comes from the Liter Pontifi- 
calis or the Book of the Popes. There has been a great 
deal of controversy about the reliability of this work, 
which consists of the lives of the popes from the earliest 
times down to the fifteenth century. These biographies 
were written by various authors, for there seems to have 
been a desire to make it a complete record of the lives 
of the popes. From the eighth century on the biographies 
were probably contemporary or nearly so. The Life oj 
Leo III. was probably written somewhat later, but it 
contains details that are not found in the other accounts, 
and it is particularly valuable in that it gives a version 
of the coronation written from the Church's point of 
view. It should, however, be used with caution. 

6. De Gestis Karoli Magni, or The Deeds of Charles the 
Great, by the Monk of St. Gall. 

This account of Charles was written between 884 and 
887, at the request of Charles the Fat, who had visited 
the monastery of St. Gall in December of 883. It has 
been attributed to Notker Balbus; but it is not certain 
that he wrote it, although the style resembles other 
works of Notker. 

This Life of Charles, which was written three-quarters 
of a century after his death, is interesting chiefly because 
it shows how men of later generations regarded this great 
hero of the Middle Ages. As the account of the Monk 
of St. Gall indicates, a legend was already growing up 
which was to obscure the real Charles. The work is 
filled with anecdotes and mythical tales about the em- 

II 



Parallel Source Problems In Medieval History 

peror. Many of them were purely local and had grown up 
and developed in that part of Germany in which St. Gall 
is located. The account of the coronation shows how this 
event was regarded by a man of the late ninth century. 



III. QUESTIONS FOR STUDY 

1. What reasons did Charles have for going to Italy? 

2. How did Charles adjust the troubles at Rome? 

3. Did Charles actually try the pope in the council that he 

assembled? 

4. What reasons can you find for the oath of purification taken 

by the pope? 

5. How did Charles deal with the enemies of Pope Leo? 

6. Do the actions of Charles indicate that he had greater 

authority in the city of Rome than the pope? 

7. What reasons can you find for Charles sending such im- 

portant missi to accompany Pope Leo back to Rome? 

8. What was the pope's attitude toward Charles, and how did 

it affect the coronation? 

9. Work out the details of the coronation ceremony? 

10. By what right was Charles made emperor? 

11. What evidence can you find which would indicate that 

Charles owed his title to the papacy? 

12. From the evidence in the accounts, what do you think was 

Charles's attitude toward the Christian religion and 
the papacy? 

13. How can you explain Einhard's statement that Charles was 

not eager to be crowned emperor? 

14. What difference in point of view and what wrong informa- 

tion do you find in the account of the Monk of St. Gall? 

15. Criticize the account from the Vita Leonis III. by compari- . 

son with the other accounts. 
Other topics might consist of criticisms of the accounts given 
in standard secondary works by a comparison with the sources. 
The use of Bryce's Holy Roman Empire in this way would be 
an extremely profitable exercise. 



IV. The Sources 

I. The Annates Laurissenses (the Annals of Lorsch). 

. . . And in the beginning of the month of August, 

when he [Charles] reached Mainz, he decided 

to journey into Italy. When he reached 

5 Ravenna with his army he made preparations for 
an expedition against the Beneventians. After a de- 
lay of seven days Charles started for Rome, having 
ordered his son Pepin to ravage the lands of the 
Beneventians with the army. As he approached 

10 Rome, Pope Leo, accompanied by Romans, met him 
at Nomentum, which is at the twelfth milestone from 
the city. After greeting him with the greatest hu- 
mility the pope dined with him at this town. The 
pope then returned to the city, and on the following 

IS day he stationed himself on the steps of the basilica 
of the blessed apostle Peter, with the standard of 
the Roman city, and crowds of pilgrims and citi- 
zens arranged and disposed in suitable places to 
shout praises to those coming. Leo himself with 

20 the clergy and bishops received Charles when he dis- 
mounted from his horse and ascended the steps. 
When an oration had been delivered, while all were 

13 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

chanting psalms, the king was led into the basilica 
of the blessed apostle Peter. This happened on 
the eighth day before the Calends of December 
(November 24).^ 
s Seven days later the king began to busy himself 
with the important affairs that had brought him and 
all his men to the city of Rome, and thenceforth 
daily he was occupied with these matters. The 
first and most difficult of these tasks was the in- 

10 vestigation of the crimes of which the holy pontiff ^ 
had been accused. As no one wished to be sponsor 
for the pope's guilt, Leo ascended to the altar of 
the church of the apostle Peter in the presence of 
all the people, with the Evangel in his hand, and 

IS by oath, in the name of the Holy Trinity, purged 
himself of the charges which had been made against 
him. 

On the same day Zachary returned from the East 
with two monks, whom the Patriarch of Jerusalem 

20 had sent back with him.^ One of them was from the 

^ According to the Roman method of reckoning time, the Calends 
were the first day of the month. In counting the number of days, 
before the Calends, the first of the month was counted in. Thus 
the eighth before the Calends of December would be November 24th. 

2S ^ The pope was called by various names, as pontiff, apostle, bish- 
op, etc. 

^ In 799 Charles was visited by a monk from the Patriarch of 
Jerusalem, who brought blessings and relics from the Holy Sepulcher. 
On Christmas day of the same year Charles sent back a priest, 

30 Zachary, with gifts for the Holy Sepulcher, and other sacred spots 
around Jerusalem. On his return one year later Zachary found 
Charles at Rome. 

14 



The Coronation of Charles the Great 

Mount of Olives and the other from St. Saba. As 
a blessing they brought the keys of the Holy Sepul- 
cher and of Mount Calvary, also the keys of the 
city and of the Mount (Zion) and a banner. The 

s king received them graciously, and kept them with 
him many days, sending them away in April with 
gifts. He celebrated the birthday of the Lord at 
Rome. And the number of the years changed into 

801.1 

10 On the most sacred birthday of the Lord, while 
the king was at mass, and just as he was rising from 
prayer before the grave of St. Peter, Pope Leo 
placed the crown on his head, and all the people 
shouted "Charles Augustus, crowned great and 

IS peace-giving Imperator of the Romans, life and vic- 
tory!" After this praise he was saluted by the 
apostle according to the custom of the ancient 
emperors.^ The title Patrician was dropped, and 
he was called Imperator and Augustus. After a few 

20 days he ordered the men who had deposed the 

^The year did not always begin on January ist in the Middle 
Ages. Different dates were used at different times and in different 
localities. In the present case Christmas day was regarded as the 
first day of the year, hence, according to most of the writers, the 
25 coronation occurred on the first day of the year 8oi. For the By- 
zantine custom see Note i, p. 19. 

^ At the accession of a new emperor to the throne at Constan- 
tinople, an election was first necessary. This election was made 
by the senate, with the army and the people participating. The 
30 coronation proper was a religious ceremony in which the patriarch 
of Constantinople crowned the new emperor. Compare this custom 
with that followed in 800. 

15 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

pontiff the preceding year to be brought before 
him. They were tried according to the Roman law 
for the crime of treason, and were condemned to 
death. The pope interceded for them, and life and 

5 the integrity of their bodies was granted to them. 
Some of them were sent into exile as a punishment 
for their most serious crime. . . . 
2. The Annales Laurishamenses^ (the Annals of 
Lorsch). 

10 And in the summer he [Charles] called together 

his lords and nobles at the city of Mainz. When 

he had assured himself that peace reigned 

throughout all his dominions he called to 

mind the injury that the Romans had inflicted on 

IS Pope Leo, and setting his face toward Rome, he 
journeyed thither. When he had arrived there he 
summoned a great council of bishops and abbots, 
also priests, deacons, counts, and other Christian 
people. Those who wished to condemn the apostle 

ao himself were brought before this assembly. When 
the king had made investigation he was convinced 
that they did not want to condemn the pope with 
justice, but through spite. It was therefore clear 
to the most pious prince, Charles, and to all the 

85 bishops and holy fathers present, that, if the pope 
wished and should ask it, he ought to purify him- 
self by his own will, voluntarily, and not by the 

* Laurissenses and Laurishamenses are merely different ways of 
spelling the Latin name for Lorsch. 

i6 



The Coronation of Charles the Great 

judgment of the council; and this was done. When 
he had taken the oath, the holy bishops and all the 
clergy, Prince Charles and the devote Christian peo- 
ple began the hymn, Te Deum laudamus, te Dominum 

s confitemur. When this was entirely finished, the king 

and all the faithful people with him gave thanks to 

God, who had preserved the apostle Leo sound in 

body and mind. And he passed the winter in Rome. 

Inasmuch as the title of Imperator had ceased 

10 among the Greeks at this time and the imperium was 

in the hands of a woman, it was evident 

to the apostle Leo and all the holy fathers 

who had taken part in the council, as well as to all 

the Christian people, that Charles, king of the 

IS Franks, ought to be called Imperator. For he held 
the city of Rome, where the Caesars had always re- 
sided, and he also ruled Italy, Gaul, and Germany 
likewise. Because God Almighty had placed all 
these countries in his power it seemed just to them 

20 that, with God favoring it and all the Christian 
people demanding it, he should have the title itself. 
King Charles was not willing to refuse this demand, 
but with all humility, and obedient to the Lord and 
the petition of the clergy and all the Christian 

25 people, on the very day of the nativity of our Lord 
Jesus Christ he was consecrated by the lord pope 
Leo, and received the title of Imperator. Then, 
first of all he restored peace and concord to the Holy 
Roman Church, and he celebrated Easter at Rome. 

17 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

When summer approached he directed his journey 
to Ravenna, giving justice and restoring order. He 
then returned to his palace in France. . . . 

3. The Vita Karoli (the Life of Charles) by Einhard. 
s Although he [Charles] regarded Rome highly, dur- 
ing all the forty-seven years of his reign he went to 
the city only four times to pay his vows and to offer 
his prayers. 

This was not the only reason for his last visit 

10 however. Indeed, the Romans had greatly in- 
jured Pope Leo. They tore out his eyes and cut 
off his tongue, and thus he was forced to ask pro- 
tection from the king. So he went to Rome to 
improve the condition of the Church, which was 

IS greatly disturbed, and remained there the entire 
winter. At this time he received the titles of 
Imperator and Augustus, which he was so opposed 
to at first that he said he would never have en- 
tered the church on that day, although it was a 

ao very important festival of the Church, if he had 
known the intention of the pope. Nevertheless, 
having accepted the title, he endured with great 
patience the jealousy that it caused, for the Roman 
emperors were very indignant. He overcame their 

2s pride by magnanimity, in which he doubtless excelled 
them, and by sending frequent embassies to them, 
and by calling them brothers in his letters. . . 

4. The Chronographia {Annals) of Theophanis. 
... In the same year [801] partisans of the 

18 



The Coronation of Charles the Great 

Roman pope, Hadrian, of blessed memory, started a 
riot against Pope Leo and injured his eyesight. 
The men who were selected to put out his eyes were 
moved by pity and spared him, so that he was 

5 not completely blinded. Leo immediately fled to 
Charles, king of the Franks. The king took ven- 
geance on the enemies of the pope and restored him 

- to his seat. Thus at this time Rome fell into the 
hands of the Franks and continued thus. Leo re- 

10 paid Charles by anointing him from head to foot 
with oil in the church of the blessed apostle, and, 
having saluted him with the title of Imperator, he 
crowned him. He also clothed him with the im- 
perial robes and insignia. This happened on the 

IS 25th day of the month of December, in the ninth 
indiction.^ . . . 

5. Vita Leonis III. {Life of Leo III.) from the Liher 
Pontificalis. 

... A few days after [the arrival of Leo at Rome], 

20 the faithful missi,^ who had returned with the pope 

* The indiction was originally a period of fifteen years, at the close 
of which the Roman government revived its tax assessments. Later 
it was used to reckon time. The first indiction was that of 312 a.d. 
The ninth indiction means the ninth year of one of these fifteen- 

25 year periods, and not the ninth period. According to the Greek 
calendar, the year began on September ist, so that Charles was 
crowned in the year 801, which would make it the ninth year of 
that indictional period. 

^ The tnissi were officials of the Carolingian kings, of which the 

30 famous missi dominici were a special type. The men whose names 
are given were prominent men in the service of Charles, who were 
sent on a special mission to look after his interests at Rome. 

3 19 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

to Rome in obedience to the pontifical desires — 
namely, Hildebald and Arno, both most reverend 
archbishops; Cunibert, Bernhard, Otto, and Jesse, 
most reverend and holy bishops; also Flaccus, 

s bishop-elect; and Helingot, Rothgar, and Germar, 
famous counts. They were entertained at the table 
of the lord pope Leo, and were examining those 
malicious offenders for more than a week to dis- 
cover what evidence they might have against the 

10 pope. Neither Pascal nor Campulus ^ had any evi- 
dence that they could report, and neither did their 
accomplices say anything against him. So the afore- 
mentioned missi of the great king seized the culprits 
and sent them into France. 

IS After a time the great king joined them at the 
basilica of the blessed apostle Peter, and was re- 
ceived with great honor. He called a council of the 
archbishops, the bishops, the abbots, and all the 
French nobles, as well as the prominent Romans 

20 in the same church. The great king as well as the 
most blessed pontiff were seated, likewise they made 
the most holy archbishops and abbots seat them- 
selves, but all the other priests and the French 
and Roman nobles remained standing. He sum- 

25 moned this coimcil to investigate all the charges 
that had been made against the sanctity of the 
pontiff. When all the archbishops, the bishops, and 

1 Pascal and Campulus were the leaders of the conspiracy and 
attack that was made on Pope Leo in 799. 

20 



The Coronation of Charles the Great 

the abbots heard this they said: "We do not dare to 
judge the apostoHc see, which is the head of all the 
churches of God, for we are all judged by it and its 
vicar. Furthermore, it should be judged by no one, 

s according to what was the ancient custom. What- 
ever the chief pontiff proposes we will obey canonic- 
ally." The venerable chief said : " I follow the foot- 
steps of the pontiffs who were my predecessors. I 
am ready to purify myself of such false charges as 

10 have been basely made against me." 

On a later day in the same church of the blessed 
apostle Peter, when all were present — namely, arch- 
bishops, bishops, abbots, all the Franks, who were 
in the service of the great king, and all the Romans, 

IS the venerable pontiff, grasping the four Gospels of 
Christ, mounted to the altar and with a clear voice 
took the oath: "Inasmuch as I have no knowledge 
of these false crimes, which the Romans, who have 
persecuted me, have basely charged me with, I say 

20 that I do not need to have such knowledge." When 
this was done litanies were chanted and all the arch- 
bishops, bishops, abbots, and all the clergy gave 
praise to God and to the Virgin Mary, the mother 
of God, to the blessed apostle Peter, chief of the 

25 apostles, and to all the saints of God. 

On the natal day of our Lord Jesus Christ all were 
again gathered together in the same basilica of the 
blessed apostle Peter, and there the venerable, holy 
pontiff with his own hands crowned Charles the 

21 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

Great with a crown of great value. Then all the 
faithful Romans, when they realized how great pro- 
tection and care the Holy Roman Chiirch and its 
vicar 'would have because of this act which had the 

s favor of God and the blessed Peter, the key-bearer 
of the kingdom of heaven, unanimously shouted 
with loud voices, "Charles, most pious Augustus, 
crowned great, peace-giving Imperator by God, life 
and victory!" This was shouted three times, and 

10 many saints were invoked before the grave of the 
blessed apostle Peter, and thus by all he was made 
Imperator of the Romans. There the most holy 
bishop and pontiff anointed Charles with the sacred 
oil, also his most excellent son [Charles] as king, 

IS on the birthday of our Lord Jesus Christ. 

After the celebration of the mass the most serene 
lord Imperator presented a silver table weighing 
. . . pounds with its legs. Likewise, at the 
grave of the apostle of God, the Imperator and his 

ao son, the king, and his daughters presented various 
vases to accompany this table, all of pure gold, 
weighing . . . pounds, also a gold crown set 
with large gems, to be hung over the altar, and two 
swords weighing fifty-eight pounds, and a large 

's vessel of gold, set with gems, . . . [the list of gifts 
continues]. 

Afterward those iniquitous malefactors — namely, 
Pascal and Campulus — and their associates were 
brought into the presence of the most pious lord 

23 



The Coronation of Charles the Great 

Imperator, with all the noble Franks and Romans 
standing about. All were indignant about the mis- 
deeds of these men. Campulus turned to Pascal 
and said, ' ' It was an evil day when I saw your face, 

s for you are to blame for my being in this trouble." 
And so, each condemning the other, they themselves 
proved their own guilt. When the lord Imperator 
realized how cruel and iniquitous they were he sent 
them into France. 

JO 6. De Gestis Caroli Magni {The Deeds oj Charles 

the Great), by the Monk of St. Gall. 

Although other mortals may be deceived by the 

works of the devil and his satellites, it is fitting to 

meditate on the words of the Lord when He com- 

15 mended the brave confession of Saint Peter, saying, 
"Because you are Peter, I will build my church 
upon this rock, and the gates of hell shall not pre- 
vail against it," for even in these evil and troubled 
days the Church has remained firm and un- 

20 shaken. 

Because jealous people are always consumed by 
envy it was generally customary among the Romans 

'^ to show hostility and even to fight against the great 
popes who were elevated to the apostolic seat. 

25 Thus it happened that certain of the Romans who 

, were blinded by envy accused Leo, of holy memory, 
whom we have referred to above, of terrible crimes. 
Moreover, they attacked him with the intention of 
blinding him, but, checked and restrained by the 

23 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

divine will, they failed to tear out his eyes, although 
they did cut them across the middle with knives. 
Secretly the pope had the news of this sent by 
his servants to Michael, emperor at Constantinople, 

5 who withheld all aid, saying, "The pope has a 
kingdom of his own, higher than mine, and must 
revenge himself on his own enemies." Then the 
holy pope, following the divine will, summoned to 
Rome the unconquerable Charles, who was in reality 

10 ruler of many peoples, in order that he might 
gloriously obtain the titles of Imperator, CcBsar, and 
Augustus by apostolic authority. 

Charles, who was always engaged in campaigns 
and military affairs, although he was ignorant of 

IS the cause of the summons, without delay came with 
all his warriors and fighting men: the lord of the 
world came to the capital of the world. And 
when that most depraved people heard of his un- 
expected arrival, just as sparrows hide themselves 

20 from the sight of their master so the Romans hid 
in various hiding-places. But they were not able 
to escape the energy and sagacity of Charles under 
heaven, and so they were captured and led into the 
basilica of St. Peter in chains. There the undefiled 

25 Father Leo took the Evangel and, holding it over his 
head before Charles and his men, with his perse- 
cutors present, took the following oath, "On the 
great judgment day may I enjoy the fulfilment of 
the promises of the Gospel, as I am innocent of the 

24 



The Coronation of Charles the Great 

charges that have been made against me." Then 
the terrible Charles said to his men, "Take care that 
none of them escape." All were seized and con- 
demned either to different kinds of death or to per- 

s petual exile. 

As Charles remained in the city for several days 
to give his army a necessary rest the chief of the 
apostolic see summoned all who would come from 
the surrounding country to Rome. In the presence 

10 of all these people and the invincible counts of the 
most glorious Charles, who did not suspect anything, 
the pope pronounced him Imperator and Defender 
of the Roman Church. Since he was not able to 
refuse the title, for he believed that he had received 

IS it by divine favor, nevertheless he did not receive 
it with joy, because he believed that the Greeks, 
fired by greater jealousy, would lay plots against 
the kingdom of the Franks, or at least be more care- 
ful to make all necessary preparations to prevent 

20 Charles from suddenly coming to subjugate their 
empire, for there was a nmior that he intended to do 
this. For on a former occasion when the legate of 
the Byzantine king visited him, and had told him that 
his master wished to be a faithful friend, and that 

25 if they were only not separated from each other 
by so great a distance, that he would treat Charles 
as a son and relieve his poverty. Charles, who was 
not able to restrain his burning spirit, burst forth, 
"Oh! If that pool were not between us, we could 

25 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

either divide or hold together in common the wealth 
of the East." 

Indeed, the Giver and Restorer of health showed his 
belief in the innocence of the blessed Leo, for even 
after that cruel wound had been received He made 
his eyes brighter than they were before, except that 
a most beautiful scar remained as a sign of virtue to 
decorate his eyelids, very like a fine thread in the 
white snow. . . . 



PROBLEM II 

II. — Canossa : From Oppenheim to Foresheim 



Canossa : From Oppenheim to Foresheim 



I. THE HISTORICAL SETTING OF THE PROBLEM 

IN the year 1046 Henry III. went down to Italy, 
deposed three popes, and appointed a fourth one. 
From that time until his death he virtually appointed 
all of the occupants of the papal chair. To be more exact, 
he was asked to name the candidate, and that candidate 
was elected. In the year 1077 his son, Henry IV., was 
at the feet of Pope Gregory in deep humiliation, begging 
to be restored to the Church and his kingdom. The 
causes for such a profound change are numerous. 

The popes whom Henry III. had placed in power were 
practically all of the reform party. They were in sym- 
pathy with that reaction against the worldliness and 
immorality of the clergy in which the monastery of 
Cluny played such a prominent part. Hitherto the 
papacy had been too often in the hands of Roman and 
Italian nobles, and few of the popes had had time enough 
to take a very active part in reform because of their worldly 
interests. The new series of popes, however, instituted 
a very vigorous campaign against marriage of the clergy 
and simony. The greatest cause of these evils, the ap- 
pointment of church officials by self-interested lay nobles 
and kings, was not so strongly attacked while Henry III. 
was still alive. In the crusade against the minor evils he 
assisted them. After his death the reform party con- 

29 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

tinued to control the office of pope ; and one of the ablest 
partisans was Hildebrand, who had occupied minor 
offices under the popes since 1045. His aggressive nature 
and unusual ability profited greatly from this long expe- 
rience, and when he became pope in 1073 there were few 
men in Europe who could cope with him as a ruler. 

Henry III. died in the year 1056, leaving his kingdom 
to his six-year-old son. The powerful dukes, prelates, 
and other feudal nobles who were ever ready to seize 
any opportunity of gaining more power and independence 
had been held in submission by the war-like Conrad and 
the crafty Henry, but the empress Agnes, who became 
regent in 1057, was not able to hold them in check. She 
knew but little of the intricate politics of the kingdom, and 
in her choice of advisers she was moved more often by 
personal preference than by political expediency. As a 
result rival parties speedily formed around her. Am- 
bitious prelates and nobles struggled for the control of 
the young king, and in 1062 the archbishop of Cologne 
actually succeeded in kidnapping him. The regency was 
then divided among various churchmen, while Agnes soon 
went into a convent. Thus the yoimg king was left to 
the care of ambitious prelates who were more interested 
in furthering their own power than they were in properly 
educating a young king. His whims were indulged, and 
pleasures of all kinds were provided, while his education 
was more or less accidental and incidental. At the age of 
fifteen he was girded with the sword and declared king. 
Troubles grew rapidly around him. On a charge of 
treason he deposed Otto, duke of Bavaria. Bertha, whom 
he had married when he was sixteen years old, he refused 
to accept, and it was three years before he was prevailed 
upon to take her as his wife. (It was she who accompanied 
him in his journey across the Alps in 1077.) The Saxons, 

30 



Canossa : From Oppenheim to Foresheim 

who had never shown a particular liking for the Salic 
kings, broke forth in open rebellion, which was encouraged 
by the other disaffected elements. The war raged from 
1073 to 1075 before Henry compelled them to submis- 
sion. 

The papacy had meanwhile taken advantage of the 
party strife in Germany to free itself from all control of 
the emperor over the election. The College of Cardinals 
was established in 1059, and, though there was some 
opposition in Italy, the papacy had steadily advanced its 
program of reform. When Hildebrand himself came to 
the throne in 1073 he was quite ready to take up the 
great issue of whether church or state should have con- 
trol over the election of chiirch officials. In his corre- 
spondence with Henry IV. during the first two years of 
his reign Gregory assumed a kindly, paternalistic tone, 
while Henry answered with apparent humility. The out- 
come of Henry's war with the Saxons was still dubious, 
and it seemed that he was willing to make some conces- 
sions to the pope's demands. When, however, victory 
began to loom up large toward the end of the year 1075 
Henry became more independent. The important arch- 
bishopric of Milan became vacant about this time. The 
anti-reform party there asked Henry to suggest a candi- 
date. If Henry named a candidate he would be following 
an old custom ; if he left it to the local churchmen and the 
papacy he would be in accord with the demands of 
Gregory. Henry named the candidate. He did this, too, 
for several other offices of less importance. In southern 
Italy also, over land which the pope regarded as belonging 
to the Church, Henry placed two German nobles without 
consulting Gregory. Thereupon Gregory sent messengers 
and letters to the king, threatening him with excommuni- 
cation and deposition. Henry became angry, called a 

31 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

meeting of his churchmen at Worms, and there declared 
Gregory guilty of a number of crimes and deposed him. 
Twenty-foiir bishops signed this deposition, which, with 
a letter from Henry, was sent to the pope. These reached 
Rome just as the Lent Synod was being held, and created a 
sensation. But Gregory calmly received them, and on 
the next day sent forth letters excommunicating the 
twenty-four German bishops, the Lombard bishops, and, 
finally, Henry himself. This occurred on the 2 2d of 
February, 1076. Quickly the enemies of the king took 
heart; two councils which he called turned out failures; 
the Saxons again broke out in revolt, and even the friends 
of Henry began to desert him. M'ean while, Gregory had 
diligently corresponded with the princes and prelates of 
Germany; a meeting was called at Tribur on the i6th of 
October, and papal legates went to attend. When they 
came together they found Henry encamped just across 
the river at Oppenheim. Here the following accounts 
take up the story. 

When Henry returned from Italy after the election of 
Rudolph, most of the Germans flocked to his side. Ru- 
dolph was forced into Saxony, and for a time it looked 
as though Henry would regain his father's kingdom. 
The pope did not indorse the action of the conference at 
Foresheim, nor did he excommunicate Henry again — not 
until Rudolph had won a great victory in 1080. Then he 
did both. In the next battle between the two rival 
kings Rudolph was killed, though his army was victorious. 
His followers quarreled about who should succeed him, 
while Henry seized the opportunity to go to Italy. Here 
he set up an anti-pope, and after three years of fighting 
he forced Gregory out of Rome, installed the new pope, 
and had himself crowned emperor. Gregory died the 
next year in exile. The struggle, however, continued 



Canossa : From Oppenheim to Foresheim 

during the rest of Henry's reign and was not fully- 
settled until later. 



II. THE AUTHORS OF THE ACCOUNTS 

The accounts which follow represent practically all the 
source material from which the modem historian obtains 
his story of the scene at Canossa, and it will be found an 
interesting exercise to compare the narrative of a modern 
writer with these sources. It will be noticed that the 
authors of all these selections were churchmen, and that, 
though this was a struggle between church and state, 
churchmen are found on both sides of the struggle just as 
the laymen. The accounts themselves are characteristic 
of the historical writing of this period. In style they 
represent varieties from the literary composition of 
Lambert and the rhetorical touches of the anonymous 
biographer of Henry to the crude, brief, matter-of-fact 
Annals of Augsburg. The imitation of classical writers, 
the naive exaggeration, the ingenuous piety, as well as a 
certain artfulness of the age, all appear in the accounts. 
The writers, too, represent almost all parts of the German- 
Roman Empire, as they do the various factions. 

I. Annates Augustani (the Annals of Augsburg). 

The first selection is taken from the Annals of Augsburg, 
and is typical of this class of medieval historical writing. 
These annals were kept by some clerk in the town, and 
record merely the bare statement of the important events 
which had occurred during the year. There is usually 
no attempt at style, frequently not even a regard for 
grammar; but the fact that they are written year by 
year and represent what the writer and the particular 
community regarded as important makes them very 
valuable sources of information. The items recorded by 

33 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

the Augsburg scribe for these two years are characteris- 
tically brief and strive to be impersonal, but the events 
were too stirring to hide entirely the bias which the writer 
so naively betrays. 

2. Conventus Oppenheimensts (the Agreement at Oppen- 
heim). 

a. Promissio Heinrici regis, quam fecit Hildebrando 
papcB, qui et Gregorius (Promise of King Henry to Pope 
Hildebrand, also called Gregory), 

b. Edictum Generale (General Edict). 

When Henry was afflicted by the excommunication 
which Gregory had issued against him and was abandoned 
by most of his subjects he was at last forced to sign an 
agreement with the princes at Oppenheim in the month 
of October, 1076. This document has been preserved 
with both its parts and affords an interesting comparison 
with the agreement as recorded by the various chroniclers. 

3. Lamherti Annales (the Annals of Lambert). 

With literary historians the account by the monk 
Lambert of Hersfeld has long been the favorite de- 
scription of Henry at Canossa. Even more scholarly 
historians have been fascinated by his dramatic and well- 
written description of those events, and only in com- 
paratively recent years has Lambert been subjected to 
that incisive criticism from which his style and plausi- 
bility had so long kept him immune. He was not an eye- 
witness to the events which he here describes. His 
monastery had, it is true, sheltered Henry during some of 
his earlier struggles, and had also suffered his wrath. The 
people at Hersfeld followed the career of the king with 
more than ordinary interest. The monastery was so 
situated that many travelers of note stopped there, and the 
important communications of both king and pope were 
frequently made known to them. Thus, when one of 

34 



Canossa : From Oppenheim to Foresheim 

their most scholarly monks began his account of the 
struggles of king Henry he found an abundance of 
material from which to construct his account. He wrote 
his work in the form of annals, beginning with Adam, and 
closing just before the election of Rudolph at Foresheim 
in the spring of 1077. The whole narrative presumes 
to be an impartial statement of events, and was so re- 
garded for a long time. A careful reading, however, will 
reveal not only a wealth of information, but also an 
exercise of imagination unusual for his time. In addition 
students of Latin may detect some passages which bear 
more than an accidental resemblance to ancient writings, 
in which he was remarkably well read. Nevertheless, 
this account has much value. 

4. Bertholdi Annates (the Annals of Berthold). 

In marked contrast to the style of the preceding account 
is the following by the monk Berthold of Reichenau, or 
by some other monk of that monastery. There is a 
noticeable striving after good Latin words, phrases, and 
sentence-structure, but the resiilt is frequently a long, 
involved sentence which baffles literal translation and con- 
fuses the reader. This account, like that of Lambert, is 
in the form of annals, and is quite as volimiinous. The 
writer probably had better facilities for obtaining informa- 
tion in regard to the following events, though his bias 
against Henry IV. is more evident. He exhibits, too, 
the piety of the medieval monk and its effect on his writ- 
ings more clearly than does Lambert. Remembering that 
neither of these two writers was an eye-witness, that one 
lived in central, almost northern, Germany, while the 
other lived among the Alps, that both wrote shortly after 
these events had taken place, and that both had to rely 
upon the statements of other people, the reader will find 
a comparison of the two interesting. 
4 35 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

5. Bernoldi Chronicon (the Chronicle of Bernold). 

Not far from Reichenau at the monastery of St. Blaise 
another monk was writing about the events of his time. 
This writer, Bernold by name, had been a student and 
instructor at Constance, and was in some respects one of 
the leading scholars of his time. Even though he became 
a monk, he still took a great interest in the affairs of the 
world, and the chronicle which he wrote displays a better 
balance of judgment than most of the other contem- 
porary accounts. What he has to say on the Canossa 
incident is unforttmately brief, but it is usefiil in checking 
the other accounts. His sources of information were 
like those of Lambert and Berthold, and he did his writing 
about the same time. He was not an eye-witness. 

6. Arnulfi Gesta Archiepiscoporum Mediolanum (Arnulfs 
Deeds of the Archbishops of Milan). 

The next brief selection is taken from The Deeds of the 
Archbishops of Milan, by Amulf, probably a clergyman of 
noble birth. Amiilf was a partisan of the king, an 
opponent of the pope; though, when the Milanese sent an 
embassy to the pope in 1077 to gain the pope's pardon for 
their association with the excommunicated archbishop of 
Milan, he was one of the ambassadors. This account was 
written in 1077, very much nearer Canossa than the other 
accounts, and it is a matter of regret that Amulf, with his 
superior access to information, did not write a fuller 
account. 

7. Brtmonis de Bella Saxonico {Bruno Concerning the 
Saxon War). 

Important for a different reason is the following extract 
from Concerning the Saxon War, by the Saxon churchman 
Bruno. He had been in the employ of the archbishop of 
Magdeburg, but upon the death of this patron he became 
attached to bishop Werner of Merseburg, an equally 

36 



Canossa : From Oppenheim to Foresheim 

bitter opponent of Henry and partisan of Rudolph, 
the anti-king. Bruno wrote his- account probably as a 
justification of Rudolph, and seerns to have been rewarded 
with the office of chancellor of the anti-ldng. This narra- 
tive, which was written about the year 1082, is less valuable 
for its facts than aS a represeutatiolj of how the affair 
seemed to the extreme Saxon ' Qf)ponents^k)f king Henry. 

8. Anonymi Vita Heinrici IV. Imperatoris ^he anony- 
mous Life of the Emperor Henry IV.). ..M'^ 

The next seleftion is from, the anonymous Life of 
Henry I v., 'Whiclfwas wiittop^^brtly after the sad death 
of thd-t king in iioff:'??-Tl^wnter s^ns to have been a 
companion of the king during those 'tragic last years, and 
his biography is the tribute of a compassionate friend. 
It has been coq^ectured that bishop Erlung of Wurzburg 
was the author. At any rate, the writer seems to have 
been very intimate with the king, and his work, which is 
also written on unmistakable classical models, is here 
valuable for the light it throws upon the plans and 
thoughts of Henry, as well as for its strong bias in his 
behalf. 

9. Liber Bonithonis ad Amicum (the Book of Bonizo to a 
Friend) . 

Bonitho, or Bonizo, was bishop of Sutri and a very 
intimate follower of Gregory. The work from which this 
is a selection was written shortly after the death of the 
pope in 1085, and, though it was addressed to a friend, it 
was really an ecclesiastical history for the benefit of the 
countess Matilda. It is an able accoimt by a partisan 
of Gregory who had access to first-hand information, and 
as such deserves consideration. 

10. Donizonis Vita Matildis (Donizo's Life of Matilda). 
At a monastery in Canossa itself was written an account 

of the meeting of Henry and Gregory, unfortunately, how- 

37 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

ever, only as an incident in the career of Matilda, countess 
of Tuscany. The writer, a monk named Donizo, set him- 
self to the task of writing a poetical Life oj Matilda, and 
was very much disappointed when she died before he had 
finished the panegyric. The original manuscript is still 
preserved, and in its neatness and illumination is truly an 
artistic production. Though the work was not completed 
until about 1 1 15, it still has value for the purpose of check- 
ing up the other writers on what actually happened at 
Canossa. The original is in verse, and it will be no- 
ticed that even the prose translation has not entirely 
obliterated all of the poetical efforts of the monk. 

II. Letter of Gregory to the German princes, January 
28, 1077. 

The most nearly contemporary account of what hap- 
pened at Canossa is the letter which the pope wrote to the 
German princes on the 28th day of January, 1077, the 
very day after Henry had been reconciled. The pope, 
however, had a very definite object in writing to the 
princes, and was not particularly interested in setting 
forth a full impartial narrative of what had occurred. 
Together with his letter, the oath of Henry, to which it 
alludes, is here printed. It will be profitable to compare 
the legal document with the version of the oath given by 
the various annalists. 

ni. QUESTIONS FOR STUDY 

1. What were the provisions of the agreement at Oppenheim? 

2. Why did Henry decide to go to the pope in Italy? 

3. How many persons accompanied Henry on his journey? 

4. By what routes did he reach Italy? 

5. What difficulties did he encounter on his journey? 

6. How was he received in Italy? 

7. How did the pope happen to be at Canossa? 

38 



Canossa : From Oppenheim to Foresheim 

8. What difficulties did Henry have in gaining access to the 

pope? 
Q. Who arranged the meeting? 

10. What conditions did Henry have to meet before the pope 

would see him? 

11. On what conditions was he reconciled? 

12. What did Henry gain at Canossa? 

13. What did the pope gain at Canossa? 

14. Who won the victory? 

15. What were the real matters at issue? 



IV. The Sources 

I. Annates Augustani (the Annals of Augsburg). 

A most disgraceful discord between pope and king, 
between bishops and dukes, between clergy and lay- 
men. The pope, on account of his zeal, for 
s the house of God, is repudiated. At Rome 

the legates of the king are ill treated by the par- 
tisans of the pope. Priests are wretchedly thrown 
out by laymen for being married, or for buying their 
offices; everything, sacred and profane, is mingled 
10 in confusion. The pope, repudiated, retires to 
strongly fortified castles and other safe places. A 
conference between king and dukes at Oppenheim. 
The winter continuously severe, and an excess of 
snow from the Calends of November to the Calends 
IS of April so that the trees wither. So barren of fruits 
is the soil that even the seed fails. A council of the 
pope and dukes against the emperor. 

King Henry, going into Italy, is received with 

all honor by the pope at Canossa, though before re- 

20 pudiated by a council of the dukes. After he is 

absolved from the ban he is honorably treated. 

While the king is staying in Italy Rudolph is made 

40 



Canossa : From Oppenheim to Foresheim 

king at Foresheim, in an unhallowed spot on the 
estate of Pontius Pilate, in the middle of the Quad- 
ragesima. He, cursed with maledictions rather than 
consecrated, is anointed on the same day, contrary 

5 to the laws of the church. To add to his damnation, 
on that very day and in the same place — i.e., Mainz — 
a great many people are killed. King Henry, re- 
turning from Pavia, is received with all loyalty. 
Rudolph is driven into Saxony, his partisans in arms 

10 are visited with plunder, fires, and destruction of 
various kinds; his unhappy and sacrilegious fol- 
lowers suffer devastation and death. Laymen seize 
the possessions of churches and churchmen; both 
sides plunder and bum; many are deprived of their 

IS inheritance and benefices, many also of their lives. 
. . . King Henry spent the birthday of Mary in 
Augsburg [September 8]. 

2. Conventus Oppenheimensis {the Agreement at Op- 
penheim), October, 1076. 

20 (a) Promise to Pope Gregory. Being admonished 
by the counsel of our faithful followers, I promise in 
all things the obedience due the apostolic see and to 
you. Pope Gregory. And whatever slight the honor 
of that see or yourself has suffered at our hands, I 

25 will strive devoutly to correct. But the more 
serious wrongs against the see and your reverence 
with which I am charged I will clear myself of at a 
suitable time by the aid of my innocence and the 
favor of God, or I will then undergo gladly a suitable 

41 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History- 
penance for them.^ However, it also behooves your 
holiness not to ignore those things which are spread 
abroad about you and cause scandal to the church. 
Rather, remove this scruple also from the public con- 

s science, and by your wisdom establish peace through- 
out the church as well as throughout the state. 

(6) General Edict. Henry, king by the grace of God, 
sends the honor of his good- will to the archbishops, 
bishops, margraves, counts, and dignitaries of every 

10 rank. Since we have recognized, at the intimation 
of our loyal followers, that in some matters we have 
not treated the apostolic see and its venerable pas- 
tor, the lord pope Gregory, fairly, it has pleased us, 
therefore, to change our former sentence, and, in the 

IS manner of our predecessors and progenitors, to 
accord to the holy see and its recognized occupant, 
the lord pope Gregory, our due obedience in all 
things. And if we have presumed too severely 
against him in any matter we will gladly render 

20 fitting satisfaction. We wish, moreover, that you 
follow the example of our serene highness and render 
solemn satisfaction to St. Peter and his vicar without 
hesitation, and that those who know that they are 
held under his ban strive to be solemnly absolved 

25 by him, the lord pope Gregory. 

3. Lamberti Annates (the Annals of Lambert). 

When Worms had been surrendered and the 

^ These two sentences do not appear in all of the remaining 
copies of this document. 

42 



Canossa : From Oppenheim to Foresheim 

bishop was assured a most peaceful position the 
Saxons and Swabians returned home proudly happy. 
They had sent legates to the pope to insure his 
presence on the day set for calming the storms of 
s civil war throughout Gaul.^ The king, for his part, 
realized that his safety depended upon his obtaining 
absolution from the anathema before the year was 
up. Furthermore, for reasons of his own, he did 
not regard it as very safe to air his case before the 

10 pope in the presence of such hostile accusers. Under 
the circumstances, therefore, he came to the con- 
clusion that it would be best to meet the pope in 
Italy just as he was setting out for Gaul. There he 
would try to gain absolution from the anathema in 

IS any way that he could Once this was obtained, his 
other difficulties must be easily dispelled. No re- 
ligious scruples would then interfere with his hold- 
ing a meeting with the princes and obtaining the 
counsel and loyalty of his friends against his enemies. 

20 Leaving Spires accordingly a few days before Christ- 
mas, he began the journey with his wife and young 
son. No German of any prominence, only one man 
of inferior rank, accompanied him on this journey out 
of the kingdom. In need of provisions for so long 

25 a joiirney he besought aid of many whom he had 

* Gaul : In none of the original accounts is the kingdom referred 
to as Germany. The usual expression is "Teutonici partes." 
Gaul might have been used to designate Franconia, but is here a 
term borrowed from classical literature which Lambert read so ' 
30 closely. 

43 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History- 
helped in his happier days. Only a few, grateful 
either for past favors or compassionate for his 
present condition, afforded him any assistance. To 
this state of calamity and misfortune had he 

5 suddenly fallen from the very height of rank and 
affluence. There were at the same time other 
excommunicates who were hurrying to Rome with 
a most ardent desire to obtain absolution ; but 
either from fear of the princes or, even more, 

10 of the pope, they would not let the king join 
them. 

The winter this year was consistently violent and 
inclement. The Rhine, ice-bound, remained pass- 
able for pedestrians from the Festival of St. Martin 

IS (November ii) almost to the Calends of April. The 
vines in most places withered up, their roots snapped 
off by the cold. King Henry, on his way to Italy, 
celebrated Christmas in Burgundy at a place called 
Besangon. He was received here magnificently 

20 enough, considering his condition at the time, and 
was entertained by his maternal uncle, count Wil- 
liam, who had very large and prosperous holdings 
there. His reason for veering from the right road 
off into Burgundy was that he ascertained that all 

25 the roads and approaches into Italy, commonly 
called passes, had been closed with guards by the 
dukes Rudolph, Welf, and Berthold for the very 
purpose of preventing his passage. After a proper 
observance of Christmas he set out from there and 

44 



Canossa : From Oppenheim to Foresheim 

came to a place called Cinis.^ Here he met his 
mother-in-law and her son, Amadeus, a man of 
eminent authority, extensive possessions, and very- 
honorable reputation in these parts. At his ap- 

s proach they received him with honor. Nevertheless, 
they refused to grant him an escort through their 
territory unless he paid them the five adjacent 
Italian bishoprics as the price of the journey. This 
the counselors of the king regarded as excessive and 

10 intolerable. But, since it was absolutely necessary 
for him to procure passage in any way that he could, 
and since they were unaffected by any ties of rela- 
tionship or compassion for his misfortune, it was re- 
luctantly arranged, after much negotiation, that they 

IS were to receive a certain province of Burgundy that 
was rich in all things as the price of his passage. 
Thus did the indignation of the Lord turn from him 
persons bound to him not only by oath and many 
benefices, but actual friends and relatives. . . . 

20 His trouble in getting permission to cross was fol- 
lowed by another difficulty. The winter was very 
bitter and the mountains through which the passage 
lay, stretching far and wide with peaks reared up 
almost to the clouds, were encumbered with masses 

2s of snow and ice. Passage by horse or footman over 



1 Cinis: Mt. Cenis is one of the favorite western passes over the 
Alps, and Lambert here is apparently guilty of a misunderstanding. 
More eastern passes were usually traversed by those who went 
from Germany to Italy. 

45 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

that slippery and precipitous descent was impossible 
without great danger. But the anniversary of the 
day on which the king had been excommunicated 
was threateningly near and would permit no delay 

s in the journey. He knew that, unless he were ab- 
solved from the anathema by this day, it was de- 
creed by a general sentence of the princes that his 
cause be forever lost and his kingdom gone without 
hope of restitution. Accordingly he procured some 

10 of the natives, who were familiar with the country 
and accustomed to the rugged summit of the Alps, 
to go ahead and in every way possible mitigate the 
difficulties of the trip for his party. Under their 
guidance they reached the crest of the range with 

IS some difficulty, but the descent, precipitous and, as 
has been said, slippery with glacial ice, defied any 
farther advance. The men, however, were ready to 
brave all danger by strength. Now crawling on 
hands and feet, now leaning on the shoulders of their 

20 guides, staggering over the slippery places, falling 
sometimes, sliding more, and at a serious risk of their 
lives, they managed at last to reach the level land. 
The queen and the women in attendance on her were 
placed on the skins of oxen and dragged along by 

2s the guides in charge of the party. Of the horses, 
some were placed on certain contrivances, while 
the others were dragged along with their feet 
tied together. Many of them died while they 
were being dragged along, more sickened, while but 

46 



Canossa : From Oppenheim to Foresheim 

few passed through the danger whole and unaf- 
fected. 

When the rumor spread through Italy that the 
king was coming, that he had overcome the dangers 

s of the mountains and was established within the 
confines of Italy, all the bishops and counts of the 
region crowded to him and received him with the 
greatest honor and magnificence as befitted a king. 
Within a few days he was surrounded by an innu- 

10 merable host. For there were those who from the 
very beginning of his reign had desired this advent. 
Italy was constantly infested with wars, party strife, 
robberies, and assaults of various kinds on individ- 
uals. This and every other invasion upon the law 

IS and the rights of the many by the presumptuous few 
they expected him to correct with the royal censure. 
Then, too, it had been noised about that he was 
hastening in great anger to depose the pope. This 
also pleased many, for it would afford them the 

20 opportunity of obtaining fitting vengeance upon him 
who had so long suspended them from ecclesiastical 
communion. 

Meantime, the pope was on his way to Germany. 
The princes who had met at Oppenheim had sent 

25 letters to him urging him to meet them at Augsburg 
on the day of the Purification of Saint Mary (Febru- 
ary 2) to discuss the case of the king. Accordingly, 
in spite of the dissuasion of the Roman nobles who 
feared the uncertain outcome of the affair, he has- 

47 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

tened his departure as much as he could in order 
to be there on the appointed day. His escort was 
furnished by the countess Matilda. . . . When he 
had started he learned unexpectedly that the king 

s was already in Italy. At the urgence of Matilda, 
therefore, he retired into a certain highly fortified 
place called Canossa, to wait there until he had more 
carefully ascertained the purpose of the king's coming. 
He wished to know whether the king came to ask 

10 for pardon, or whether he was wrathfully seeking to 
avenge the excommunication by force. 

King Henry, however, had a conference with the 
countess Matilda, and sent her to the pope, laden 
with prayers and promises. With her he sent also his 

IS mother-in-law, his son, likewise the margrave Azzo, 
the abbot of Cluny, as well as some of the princes 
of Italy who need not be mentioned. They begged 
the pope to absolve him from the excommunication 
and not rashly to place faith in the accusations of 

20 the German princes who were moved rather by the 
passion of spite than by the love of justice. When 
the pope heard this message he said that it was un- 
fitting and quite contrary to ecclesiastical law to air 
the case of a defendant in the absence of the accusers. 

25 Nay, more, he told them that if the king were con- 
fident of his innocence he should lay aside every 
scruple of fear and trustfully present himself at 
Augsburg on the day on which the princes had de- 
cided to come together. There, when the charges 

48 



Canossa : From Oppenheim to Foresheim 

of both sides had been heard, he would receive most 
righteous justice on every point, without prejudice 
or favor, according to ecclesiastical law. To this 
they answered that the king would never in the 

5 world evade a trial which he knew would be a most 
unassailable vindication and recommendation of his 
equity and innocence. But, they urged, the anni- 
versary of the day on which the king had been ex- 
communicated was drawing near, and the princes of 

10 the kingdom who had held aloof thus far pending 
the outcome of this affair were growing impatient. 
If he were not absolved before that day, according 
to Palatine law, he would be held unworthy of 
royal dignity and undeserving of any further hearing 

IS to prove his innocence. For this reason, they said, 
he seeks absolution so resolutely, and is ready to offer 
any form of satisfaction which the pope may demand 
in order only to be absolved from the anathema and 
to receive the grace of ecclesiastical communion. 

20 As for the charges which his accusers bring against 
him, he will be ready to make full answer, as if 
nothing had been done by this agreement, when and 
wherever the pope may ordain. Then, according to 
the pope's sentence, he will be ready to receive his 

25 kingdom again if he refute the charges, or resign 
with equanimity if his case is lost. 

For a long time the pope refused to consider it, 
for he feared that the king was inconstant and of a 
disposition easily influenced by his immediate at- 

49 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

tendants. Overcome at last by the importunities 
of these zealous advocates as well as by the weight 
of their opinions, he said, "If he is truly penitent, let 
him give to our power his crown and other insignia 
s of his kingdom as an evidence of truth and as an act 
of penance: and, after being so obstinate, let him 
profess himself unworthy of the kingdom." The 
envoys considered this too harsh, and they urged him 
strongly to temper his sentence and not utterly 

10 destroy a reed, already shattered, by the severity of 
his decision. Upon this exhortation he very reluc- 
tantly agreed that the king might come in person 
and, if he performed true penance for his admitted 
errors, the sin which he had committed by inflicting 

IS contumely upon the apostolic chair he might now 
expiate by obedience to it. 

He came as he was ordered; the castle being in- 
closed by a triple wall, he himself was admitted 
within the inclosure of the second wall, while his 

20 attendants were left outside. There, his royal re- 
gaHa laid aside and without any evidence of royalty 
or display of pomp, he stood as a humble penitent 
with bare feet from morning to night seeldng the 
sentence of the pope. This he did on the next day, 

25 and again on the third. On the fourth he was 

finally admitted to the papal presence, and after 

much discussion on both sides he was at last ab- 

,, solved from excommunication on the following con- 

' I ditions. First, that at the time and place which the 

so 



Canossa : From Oppenheim to Foresheim 

pope should designate, he should appear before the 
German princes assembled in general council and 
should answer the charges preferred against him. 
There, with the pope as judge, if so it seemed to 
s expedite matters, he should accept his decision, 
retain his kingdom if he refuted the charges, or give 
it up with equanimity if the charges were proven 
and he was held unworthy of the throne according 
to ecclesiastical law. Second, that whether he re- 

10 tained or lost his kingdom, he should seek vengeance 
on no one for this trouble. Third, that up to the 
day when, after proper discussion, his case had been 
ended, he should wear no ornaments of royal ele- 
gance, no insignia of royal dignity; he should not 

IS by his own right do anything in the administration 
as he was wont to do; decide nothing which ought 
rightly to be considered; and, finally, he should levy 
no royal or public taxes except for the sustenance of 
himself and his immediate servants. Fourth, that all 

20 who had pledged loyalty to him by oath should mean- 
time in the presence of God and men remain free 
and unhindered by the bonds of this oath and the 
obligations of loyalty. Fifth, that he should for- 
ever dismiss from intimacy with himself Robert, 

25 bishop of Babenberg, Oudalric of Cosheim, and 
others by whose counsel he had betrayed himself 
and his state. Sixth, that if the charges were re- 
futed and he retained his kingdom, he should always 
be obedient to the Roman pontiff and comply with 
5 SI 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

his decrees, and in accord with him stand forth as 
the worldly powerful co-operator in the correction 
of the abuses against the laws of the church which 
had by a pernicious custom grown up in the kingdom. 

5 Last, that if he falsely agreed to any of these condi- 
tions the absolution which he had so earnestly sought 
would be endangered; nay, more, he would be con- 
sidered as already convicted and confessed. He 
should then seek no further audience to prove his 

10 innocence, and the princes of the kingdom, thereby 
freed from all religious scruples in regard to their 
oath, wotdd create another king upon whom they 
could agree. These conditions the king accepted 
gratefully and promised with the most sacred asser- 

15 tions possible that he would observe all of them. 
And it was not a case of an acceptance of faith by 
one maldng rash promises, for the abbot of Cluny, 
though his monastic religion kept him from taking 
oath, interposed his faith before the eyes of the 

20 All-seeing God, while the bishop of Zeitz, the bishop 
of Vercelli, the margrave Azzo, and the other 
princes at the gathering confirmed by oath, over 
sacred relics, that the king would do as he had 
promised and would be led from his word neither 

25 by any temporary straits nor by a change in succeed- 
ing events. 

When the excommunication was thus absolved 
the pope celebrated the solemn mass. When the 
sacred offering was ready he called the king and the 

52 



Canossa : From Oppenheim to Foresheim 

rest of the people to the altar. Extending the body 
of the Lord with his hand, he said, "I have for some 
time received letters from you and your adherents 
in which you claim that I occupy the papal chair 
5 through the heresy of simony and that my life is 
spotted with various other crimes before as well as 
after I had received the episcopate, which, according 
to the canons, would have prevented all access to 
the sacred orders. This I could refute by the testi- 

10 mony of many suitable witnesses, both of those who 
are intimately acquainted with my career from the 
very beginning, as well as of those who are responsible 
for my elevation to the episcopacy. Yet, lest I seem 
to rely too much on human rather than on divine 

IS witness and in order to bring the whole scandal to 
short account before all, behold this body of the 
Lord which I am about to take. May it be for me 
this day the test of my innocence. May the Om- 
nipotent God by His judgment either clear me of 

20 the crime charged against me if I am innocent or 
strike me with a sudden death if I am guilty." 
With these and other terrible words he prayed the 
Lord to be most just judge of his case and asserter 
of his innocence, and then he took part of the sacred 

25 wafer and consumed it. This he did freely while 
the people acclaimed aloud their praises to God 
and offered thanks for his innocence. Then, com- 
manding silence, he turned to the king and said: 
"Do therefore, my son, if it pleases you, what you 

53 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

have just seen me do. The princes of Germany have 
for days confused our ears with their accusations. 
They heap a great multitude of crimes upon you for 
which they think that you should not only be sus- 

s pended from all administration of public affairs, but 
from ecclesiastical communion also, and even from 
any intercourse in secular life whatever for all time. 
They are especially anxious to fix a day and place 
and have an audience accorded them for the dis- 

10 cussion of the charges which they bring against you. 
And you know best that human judgments often 
vacillate, and that falsity is sometimes more per- 
suasive than truth. An imtruth adorned with or- 
naments of words, with suavity, and by the genius 

IS and fluency of eloquent men, receives a more welcome 
hearing than the truth ungraced with eloquence 
which is often despised. Since, therefore, I wish you 
good coimsel, all the more since you have in your 
calamities sought the patronage of the apostolic 

20 chair as a supphant, so do as I admonish. If you 
know that you are innocent and that your reputa- 
tion has been assailed with false charges by your 
enemies in a spirit of calumny, take the remainder 
of this sacred wafer and thus free, in a moment, the 

25 Church from the scandal of God and yourself from 
the uncertainty of a long dispute. Then your inno- 
cence will be proved by God's witness, every mouth 
turned against you in scandal will be stopped, and, 
with me as your advocate and the most vehement 

54 



Canossa : From Oppenheim to Foresheim 

maintainor of your innocence, the princes will be 
reconciled to you, the kingdom restored, and the 
storms of civil war, with which it has been so long 
harassed, allayed." The king, astonished at this un- 

s expected situation, became very much embarrassed, 
looked around for excuses, and, drawing away from 
the multitude, he discussed with his friends how he 
might evade such an awful test, which was a matter 
of difficulty. When he had recovered his spirits he 

10 talked to the pope of the absence of the princes who 
had kept faith with him in his trouble ; that without 
the accord of the accusers the effect of such a test 
would be destroyed, and that the incredulous would 
question a satisfaction rendered in the presence of 

IS the few here assembled. Therefore, he earnestly 
besought the pope to defer the whole matter to a 
general council where, while the accusers were 
gathered together and the accusations and the per- 
sons of the accusers were discussed according to the 

20 ecclesiastical law as the princes of the realm had 
proposed, he might refute the charges. With great 
dignity the pope granted his petition, and when the 
solemn mass was ended he invited the king to dinner. 
And when this was ended and he had instructed him 

25 carefully as to what he must observe, the pope dis- 
missed him with kindness and in peace to the men 
who had so long remained outside the walls. Fur- 
thermore, he sent out the bishop of Zeitz, Eppo, be- 
fore him to absolve from their excommunication 

55 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

those who had incurred it by indifferently associat- 
ing with the excommunicate before his absolution, 
kindly warning them not to occasion any stain upon 
the communion just newly received. 

5 4. Bertholdi Annales (the Annals of Berthold). 

In the anathema itself the lord pope had, on the 

part and in the name of the omnipotent Father, Son, 

and Holy Ghost, and by the authority of St. 

Peter, commanded all Christians not to obey 

10 the excommunicated king thenceforth as king in 
any way or serve him or keep an oath which they 
had made or were to make with him. This not the 
smallest part of the princes of the realm observed, 
and, though they were very often called to come to 

15 the king, they refused, striving diligently to have 
zeal for the Lord as they knew it. Even if they 
had known him to have been unjustly and un- 
canonically excommunicated, yet, according to the 
decree of the coimcil of Sardica,^ they must not 

20 communicate with him in any way until they knew 
that he had been reconciled. Wherefore, fearing 
to associate with the king as yet unreconciled, since 
they could neither persuade hirn nor punish nor 
correct him, and since they shuddered to agree with 

25 him, they strove, as was fitting, to avoid him. 
Therefore the lords of the kingdom agreed, in the 
fall, to have a conference with him at Magdeburg, 

^ The council alluded to here is the church council which was 
held at Sardica 343 a.d. 

56 



Canossa: From Oppenheim to Foresheim 

where they could by general council define what 
ought to be done about the matter of such great 
importance, and where they might be allowed to 
serve their king and lord, when he had been ad- 
s monished, turned to penance, and reconciled. When 
they assembled there with no small force of soldiers, 
the king and his advisors were encamped on the 
other side of the Rhine at the town of Oppenheim 
with a considerable gathering of loyal men, threat- 

10 eningly and angrily wrought up. The princes of 
the realm, however, remained on this side of the 
Rhine; they questioned among themselves and, 
with God's assent, conferred more intimately one 
with another as to what conclusion they should 

IS reach in such an unusual matter. Thither had 
come the legates of the apostolic see with letters 
pertaining to this matter, by which the pope had 
intrusted the bishop of Patavia, already long ac- 
cepted as apostolic representative, to reconcile all 

20 canonically, the king excepted, who fittingly came 
to render satisfaction and do worthy penance, those 
namely who wished to stand on the side of St. 
Peter. Of these, the archbishop of Mainz with 
his knights, the bishops of Treves, of Strasburg, 

25 of Verdun, of Luttich, of Munster, the elect of 
Utrecht, of Spires, of Basel, of Constance, the one 
at Ulm, and several abbots, as well as a consider- 
able host of more or less important personages who 
had been excommunicated because of the crime of 

57 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

associating with the king for disobedience or because 
they had received masses and offices from priests 
condemned for incontinence or the heresy of simony, 
were there reconciled and received into communion. 

s Finally, after they had spent ten days in such 
matters, the king, when he saw and heard that so 
many and such great men had yielded to the apostolic 
see, and that they were considering making another 
king in his place, pretended to yield, though unwilHng 

10 and reluctant and no longer with any spirit beyond 
his grief, not only to the pope, but also to the princes 
of the realm, in all that they wished to impose on 
him or wanted him to observe. To them it then 
seemed, in addition to other things, that in the first 

15 place the see and city should be freely returned to 
the bishop of Worms, that the queen should leave 
it with all her following, that their hostages should 
be returned to the Saxons, and that the king should 
entirely separate himself from his excommunicated 

20 followers, and that he should also, without delay, 
send letters to pope Gregory, strongly intimating 
that he would perform due obedience, satisfaction, 
and fitting penance, and that he himself should await 
the apostolic answer and reconciliation, meanwhile 

25 abiding by their advice. These and all the other 
matters the king performed there, though not with 
entire candor. From thence he despatched the let- 
ters, composed as they had agreed between them- 
selves and sealed in their presence — he, neverthe- 

58 



Canossa : From Oppenheim to Foresheim 

less, later secretly altered and changed these to suit 
his will — to be presented to the pope at Rome by 
the archbishop of Treves. But the princes of the 
kingdom, fearing the tricks and the usual folly of 
s the king's counselors, which they had so often ex- 
perienced, likewise directed to Rome, in haste, 
trustworthy legates, who had been present at every- 
thing there enacted, so that the pope might not be 
deceived by their tricks, and to implore him, humbly 

10 supplicated through the mercy of God, to deign to 
come to these parts to settle this dissension. Further- 
more, in order to constrain the king more perfectly 
to obedience to the apostolic see, they took oath 
before they separated that if the king by his own 

IS fault remained excommunicated longer than a 
year they would no longer hold him as their king. 
Then, for fear of the king's future wrath and ven- 
geance upon them, since many of them had left 
him, without visiting and greeting him, so that he 

20 was greatly angered with them, they pledged each 
other aid if anything should be done against them on 
this account, and returned, joyfully, each to his own 
home. 

When this colloquy had come to an end, about 

25 the Calends of November, a heavy snow, far greater 
than usual, began to cover the lands everywhere. 
This, an omen and sign of evil to come, greatly 
astounded not only the regions on this side of the 
Alps, but, which is more amazing, all Lombardy 

59 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

with its unheard-of amount. In fact, the Rhine 
and the Po ahke, to say nothing of other streams, 
were so hardened by the excessive freezing cold that 
for a long time they afforded in themselves an icy 

s road for all wanderers as though over land. Thus 
did the bitter and snow-laden winter continue with 
constant cold even to the Ides of March — that is, 
from the conference at Oppenheim to the colloquy 
which was held by the princes at Foresheim. Final- 

lo ly, on that very day, the snow began little by little 
to grow less, until after some time had elapsed it 
fairly flowed. 

The king, however, when the said conference at 
Oppenheim had come to an end, remained for some 

IS time at Spires with the supporters and overseers 
whom the princes of the realm had assigned to him, 
and lived like a penitent. Then, suspecting on ac- 
count of the aforesaid oath that their (the princes') 
treachery and cunning would be turned against him- 

20 self, he collected his counselors again from all sides 
and rashly disregarded the pleasure of the princes, 
and, to the end that he might not be deprived of his 
kingdom, he fortified himself most diligently with 
all the industry and attention of his own genius, 

25 with all the various investigations of his counselors, 
and by conferring on plans together. 

The bishop of Toul, and also the one of Spires, 
with many others upon whom this had been im- 
posed as a mark of obedience by the bishop of 

60 



Canossa : From Oppenheim to Foresheim 

Patavia, soon hastened to Rome and gave themselves 
up to the pope as guilty, with due satisfaction and 
obedience. When these had been canonically recon- 
ciled he had them imprisoned in the jails of certain 

5 monasteries in order to test their obedience for some 
time, until by the intervention of the empress they 
were released therefrom and were permitted to re- 
turn home with the grant of communion, but with- 
out having their rank restored. 

10 Upon their footsteps the archbishop of Treves 
followed in great haste with the letters of the royal 
embassy, saluted the pope, and presented to him the 
falsified letters. These the pope was unwilling to 
have read except in the presence of the legates of 

IS the princes, so that they, who had also been present 
at the writing, might be witnesses at the reading. 
Accordingly, after these had been read, the legates 
recognizing the material as far other than that which 
had been composed and sealed in the presence of the 

20 princes of the realm, protested most freely by the 
Lord God that it was not the same, but that it had 
been altered and changed in places. So the arch- 
bishop of Treves, though at first he began to defend 
the letters, yet at length when he had been caught 

25 and reminded by these men confessed publicly that 
the fraud in these letters was not his, but the work 
of some one else whom he did not know. Thus the 
lord pope, together with the empress, watchfully 
discovered that all which this lying letter said of the 

6i 



Parallel Source Problems In Medieval History 

obedience of the king was not a truth from the heart 
but was feigned statement full of deception. Thus 
what the king most anxiously entreated — namely, 
that he be permitted to come to Rome to be recon- 
s ciled with the pope, the pope was unwilHng to grant 
at all, but with apostolic authority commanded him 
to meet him at Augsburg in the presence of the 
princes of the realm, to be heard and reconciled 
by him, and he sent back word emphatically enough 

10 by the legates of both parties that he would come 
there to them about the feast of the Purification 
of St. Mary if God willed it. When they had re- 
ceived the letters of apostolic benediction in which, 
as is fitting, he admonished them very carefully, es- 

15 pecially about his escort, about other necessaries, 

and about the peace, they returned joyfully to their 

fatherland to announce the coming of so great a 

guest. 

Accordingly, when the princes had gratefully 

20 heard what these letters conveyed, they strove with 
every effort to make every preparation, not a little 
exhilarated by the great hope of restoring the eccle- 
siastical religion and observance. The heart of the 
king, stirred with far different intention, when he 

25 found out the proposition of the pope, strove in- 
dustriously, with many consultations, to meet him 
before he entered our territory. For he proposed 
either to force the pope into flight in terror of the 
very great force of soldiers which he had gathered 

62 



Canossa: From Oppenheim to Foresheim 

together at any price or, with the help of the Romans 
and his other counselors whom he had corrupted 
with such great gifts and thus made them each his 
supporter, to force the pope to his wish. If that 

s failed, however, they, as warlike and angry as 
himself, should together fight to drive the pope 
unhurt from the church and substitute another after 
the heart of the king ; and, thus elected and ordained 
as emperor by that pope, he would, with his wife, 

10 return to his fatherland in glory; that if, he how- 
ever foolishly enough planned, by all these measures 
he succeeded in making the pope, overcome by the 
threats and blandishments of the Romans, compliant 
to himself, he would then be pious toward him, but 

IS very severe toward his adversaries. 

Advised and encouraged by these and, as rumor 
has it, not a few other senseless proposals of his 
counselors, he obstinately set himself against the 
correction arranged by the princes and against the 

20 restoration of the church and did not cease to 
oppress their [of the princes] magistrates in every 
way and to free himself entirely from them as he 
wished. To this purpose a certain margrave, 
Opertus by name, who came at this time from Lom- 

25 bardy, encouraged him more than the others. This 
man, magnificently loaded by him with gifts and 
honors, was seized with sudden death near Augsburg 
as he was on his way to his own country. He had 
fallen from his horse, and thus as he died a wretch 

63 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

condemned, he discovered how great a load the apos- 
tolic anathema was, although he had formerly re- 
garded it as nothing. 

The king celebrated the birth of the Lord at 
5 Besangon in Burgundy as best he could, for he re- 
mained there scarcely a day. Then after he had 

1077 

taken up his wife and son and also a whole host 
of followers, as had already been previously arranged, 
crossing the Rhone at Geneva, climbing and crawling 

10 over the Alps by the most difficult way, he entered 
Lombardy through the bishopric of Turin. There, 
collecting to himself also the host of excommuni- 
cated bishops, and as if to fortify their case by a sort 
of defensive majesty, he told them craftily that he 

IS would speak to the pope not only about the sentence 
of anathema on himself, but rather to have the harm- 
ful sentence over them investigated by him. They, 
however, on the contrary, tried to dissuade the king 
from calling him pope, whom they had at his com- 

20 mand cast forth from the church abjured, and whom 
they had forever separated from the body of the 
church as condemned by an anathema. Never- 
theless, they thought it fitting to yield to time and 
comply, since he was constrained by the bond of such 

25 unavoidable necessity lest he, as false king, should 
rashly annul the pleasure of the princes entirely, 
and thus most justly incur their opposition; but 
then, that is to say, after this dispensation and the 
address to the pope, so necessary to him, he should, 

64 



Canossa : From Oppenheim to Foresheim 

together with them, labor with every effort to free 
himself and the whole kingdom from so sacrilegious a 
man; but if he did not do this he should not ignore 
the fact that he himself would, by the most crafty 

s spite and arrogance of him who bore the apostolic 
name, be deprived not only of his kingdom and 
honor but probably of his Hfe, and he should not 
in the least doubt that they, who had always been 
undaunted and prepared to go with him to death 

10 and destruction, would perish and be condemned 
likewise. 

When, however, the legates of the king and of the 
princes had been dismissed by the pope and had 
begun their journey home, the pope, ever most ready 

15 to devote himself to his flock, at the appointed time 
went to the place which they had agreed upon; 
and there, as they had arranged, he awaited the 
escort for his march with impatience. But in vain; 
for when the princes found out about the stealthy 

20 and unexpected flight of the king over the Alps, they 
feared the wiles and assaults of the king ; and though 
they were reluctant and unwilling, they ceased try- 
ing to send the agreed escort to meet the pope. 
So the pope waited for them some time at the castle 

25 of Canossa. But when they, with difficulty, sent 
word to the pope that they could not come to him 
in the face of such dangers, then he was very much 
vexed that he had come there in vain, but not giving 
up hope of being later able to reach the Teutonic 

65 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

lands for the needs of the church, he was disposed to 
stop there for some time to wait for such an event. 
Then, reflecting that the journey of the king and his 
counselors was not of much advantage to the 
s church and himself — nay, that it would render the 
Lombards, whom he had found rebellious to God and 
himself, much more rebellious; that it had troubled 
the people of Germany, distracted by no mean 
schism, and greatly worried them as to what they 

10 should do about so senseless a man; and that it had 
greatly disturbed the whole kingdom on all sides — 
he placed all his cares on the Lord, as befits an 
apostolic man, and prayed with tears day and night 
that the Divinity inspire him how he might rightly 

IS arrange to settle such a great matter synodically. 

Then the king, accepting the wholesome advice 

of his men, laid aside the plan which he had with 

mad anger and malice conceived against the pope, 

and decided, with the intervention and aid of the 

20 countess lady Matilda, of his mother-in-law, mar- 
chioness Adelaide, of the abbot of Cluny, who had 
himself come there after he had just recently been 
reconciled at Rome for having associated with the 
king, and of all the others whom he could attract 

25 to his side, to meet the pope and submit, yield, obey, 
and agree with him in everything. With this in- 
tention, though he concealed it somewhat from the 
Lombards, he sent messengers to bring the aforesaid 
mediators to himself, and he himself followed them 

66 



Canossa : From Oppenheim to Foresheim 

shortly to the aforesaid castle. These, meeting 
the king at the appointed place, aired the matter 
for which they had come together at great length, 
and considered it in every way with the usual 
5 consultations, but I know not what tricky and de- 
ceitful promises they gave in their most careful 
consideration, which they were quite afraid to bear 
as straightforward and true to the pope, who was, in 
truth, most experienced, for he had long been and was 

10 almost daily dealing with such cases. Nevertheless, 

since necessity so demanded it, they soon came back 

and related to the pope truthfully, and in order, 

everything which they thought colored and false. 

The king, following hurriedly in their footsteps, 

IS came precipitately to the door of the castle with his 
excommunicated friends, though as yet imexpected 
and without the answer of the pope or a word of 
invitation, and, knocking sufficiently, he begged with 
all his strength to be allowed to enter. There, 

20 dressed in coarse woolen garments, with bare feet 
and freezing, he stayed outside the castle, even to 
the third day, with his friends, and thus, most 
strictly tested by many trials and temptations and 
found obedient as far as human judgment extends, 

25 he demanded with tears, as is the custom of penitents, 
the favor of Christian communion and the apostolic 
reconciliation. 

The lord pope, however, who was most cautious 
and as unwilHng to be deceived as to deceive, and who 
6 67 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History- 
had so frequently been deluded by so many promises 
of the king, did not very easily credit his words. 
After much exchange of opinion he was at last 
persuaded that if the king would come most promptly 

s to confirm by oath in person, or through others whom 
he might name as witnesses for himself, these condi- 
tions which he would now impose for the welfare of 
the holy church, and should in addition consent to 
give pledges into the hands of those intermediaries 

10 who were present for the observance of this oath 
and also of the empress, who was not yet there; if 
he should thus bind the compact he would not re- 
fuse to receive him again to the favor of Christian 
commimion. The king with his followers, however, 

15 when he heard this answer of the pope, regarded the 
proposal as too harsh; but since he could not other- 
wise be reconciled, willing or unwilling, he agreed 
to it most sadly. 

At length they intervened with the pope, who 

2b agreed that the king need not take the oath; two 
bishops, however, of Naumburg and Vercelli, besides 
other friends of his who would take oath, were 
chosen to take the oath for him. Who, that we may 
commemorate this most important oath, swore 

25 in this fashion — ^namely, that their lord Henry, 
whenever within the year pope Gregory should 
decide, would come into peace and concord with 
the princes of the realm either according to the 
judgment or the compassion of the pope, and that 

68 



Canossa : From Oppenheim to Foresheim 

neither he nor any of his men would inflict any harm 
upon the pope or his legates into whatever parts of 
the kingdom they should come for the welfare of the 
church, nor should he capture or kill them; and if 

5 they were harmed by any other person, he should aid 
them in good faith as soon as he could ; and if there 
were any obstacle in his way so that he could not 
meet the engagement which the pope had fixed, 
then as soon as possible he should meet it without 

10 further delay. When this agreement had been 
made as before said, the king, weeping copiously, 
and the other excommunicates also in tears, were 
allowed access to the pope. What tears were shed 
by either party no one can easily say. When the 

IS pope, not a little moved for these lost sheep who were 
again seeking God with their pitiable lament, had 
delivered a suitable address on canonical recon- 
ciliation and apostolic consolation to them, after 
they had prostrated themselves with fitting humility 

20 and had confessed their rash presumption, and thus 
with apostolic indulgence and benediction, rec- 
onciled and restored to Christian communion, he 
took them into the church. Then, when he had made 
the customary oration and had greeted the king and 

25 the five bishops of Strasburg, Bremen, Lausanne, 
Basel, and Naumburg, and many others with the 
holy kiss, he called the king to the place of com- 
munion and extended to him the Eucharist which 
he had before forbidden him. The king, protesting 

69 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

that he was unworthy of participation in it, departed 
without the communion. Wherefore the pope not 
unwisely took it as an indication of impurity and an 
evidence of some hypocrisy latent in him, which the 

s Spirit revealed, and after that he never presumed to 
place full faith in his words. But then when the 
dinner was quite ready they ate together at the same 
table and satisfied their wants with sober food; 
then, rising with the act of grace, they talked to- 

10 gether about the most necessary matters of the 
promise of obedience, the pledges given, that the oath 
should not be violated, about the perfection of 
penance, as well as about avoiding contact with 
the excommunicated Lombards. Then the king, 

IS after he had received the apostolic freedom and 
benediction, departed with all of his followers except 
the bishops, whom the pope ordered to be imprisoned 
as suited his good pleasure. Furthermore, the bind- 
ing of this oath, which remained still to be done 

20 by the friends of the king, he insisted should be per- 
formed by them. This they tried to change from 
its agreed form, in fear that they would soon be taken 
by the pope as guilty of perjury; and in order not 
to swear they fled in every direction. One of them, 

25 the bishop of Augsburg, fled clandestinely at night 
without the permission of the pope and without be- 
ing reconciled to him. Thus in the first compact 
which they had agreed upon these mendacious men 
Jeft the pope craftily deluded and deceived. 

70 



Canossa : From Oppenheim to Foresheim 

About the same time that Roman^ Quintius, who 
to the addition of his damnation now held the 
bishop of Como captive, near the church of St. Peter 
at Rome, thought to visit the king at Pa via, and 

s expected the king to treat him magnificently ; nay, he 
didn't doubt at all that he deserved to have great 
gifts given to himself, not only for the capture of the 
bishop, but also for the sacrilegious seizure of the pope. 
When he came to the court the king did not dare 

10 to receive him with the kiss as he was wont to greet 
his friends, since Quintius was excommunicated, but 
feigned that on account of the many important 
affairs which now occupied him he could not receive 
him as was fitting and as he so much deserved, and 

IS thus he put off meeting his friend for some days. 
Quintius, however, somewhat angered, proclaimed 
that he was being disdained and deceived until he 
at length extorted from the king the promise of 
favors and most certain evidences of a fitting re- 

20 ception. But on the night before the appointed 
day he was suffocated by a sudden deadly tumor in 
his neck, and without seeing or greeting the king he 
most quickly descended to the infernal regions, con- 
demned to eternal death. 



25 * This Quintius, or Cencius, was a Roman noble who bitterly 
opposed Gregory. At Christmas- time, 1075, he had boldly cap- 
tured the pope and was carrying him off when an angry mob over- 
took him and rescued Gregory. He himself managed to escape 
and continued to plot against the pope. 

71 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

5. Bernoldi Chronicon (the Chronicle of Bernold). 

Already almost all the princes of the realm had 
withdrawn from association with the king. Accord- 
ingly, in the month of October a conference 

s was held at Oppenheim by the princes of the 

kingdom, in which an embassy of the apostolic see 
took part. There Henry promised most assuredly 
that he would present himself to the lord pope at 
Augsburg on the next festival of the Purification of 

10 Saint Mary. For there he, together with the princes 
of the realm, had also invited the apostolic lord. 
Brother Cadalous, who had been converted from 
secular knighthood, brought to the conference of 
Oppenheim the message of the pope which task the 

IS pope had imposed upon him, when he was very ill, 
for the remission of all sins. When his mission had 
been accordingly fulfilled brother Cadalous rested 
in peace under evangelical perfection after he had 
taken the monk's garb. 

20 The duke of the Poles crowned himself king. 

Very much snow covered the whole kingdom from 

the second day before the Calends of November 

1077 

of the year before to the seventh day from the 
Calends of April of the present year. Henry, called 
25 king, mistrusting his own case, and therefore evading 
the general hearing, stealthily entered Italy against 
the command of the pope and the counsel of the 
princes and met the pope before the Purification of 
Saint Mary at Canossa, just as he was on his way to 

72 



Canossa : From Oppenheim to Foresheim 

Augsburg at the appointed day. Where, by the 
pretense of an unheard-of humiHation, as indeed he 
could, he extorted from him with difficulty not the 
concession of the kingdom but only of communion, 

s but not until he had given oath that he would satisfy 
the judgment of the pope in regard to the charges 
brought against himself and that he would not 
permit any hurt to be inflicted upon the pope or 
any one in his service, journeying to and from any 

10 place. This oath, however, he did not keep fifteen 
days, when the venerable bishop Gerald of Osria 
and Anselm of Lucca were taken captive. Where- 
fore the pope declared in the letters which he sent 
to the princes of the kingdom that he had accom- 

15 plished very little by the fact that he had received 
him back into communion, since all the simoniacs 
and excommunicates were no less fostered by the 
king now than before. When, therefore, they heard 
of this the princes of the realm met for a general 

20 conference at Foresheim on the third day of the 
Ides of March and elevated the worthy duke Ru- 
dolph as their king, whom they crowned at Mainz 
on the seventh day from the Calends of April, which 
in this year occurred in the middle of the Quadra- 

25 gesima. The very great snow, however, which in 
this year had covered the whole earth so long a 
time nevertheless began to melt at the election of the 
new king. On the day of his consecration, moreover, 
a very great uprising was started in Mainz at the 

73 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

instigation of the simoniacal clergy as if they wanted 
to break into the place and kill the most upright 
clergy and monks. But the right hand of the Lord 
so protected the soldiers of the new prince that, 
s although unarmed, they lost only one of their num- 
ber, while they killed more than a hundred of their 
adversaries partly by the sword and partly by the 
water. For this homicide, likewise, such a penance 
was imposed by the legate of the apostoHc see that 

10 each one had to fast forty days or feed forty poor 
people, yet not shun ecclesiastical communion like 
homicides. 

6. Arnulfi Gesta Archiepiscorum Mediolanum {Ar- 
nulfs Deeds of the Bishops of Milan). 

IS At the same time that barbaric throng of Teutons, 

foremost among them the dukes Berthold, Rudolph, 

and Welph, together with counts and bishops, 

having heard of the Roman excommunication, 

forthwith withdrew from the royal allegiance, having 

ao nothing to do with the king. In addition, accusing 
him of many crimes, they held him in bad repute. 
Meanwhile, by the counsel of the most holy abbot of 
Cluny and also Agnes, the royal mother, as well as 
of the most prudent Matilda already mentioned, a 

35 general conference was agreed upon between the 
king and the pope for the sake of peace and justice. 
And when the pope had gone out from the city on 
his way to Germany, relying on the aid of Matilda, 
he came to Italy. While he stopped there he was 

74 



Canossa : From Oppenheim to Foresheim 

loaded by her with many favors and men. Henry 
hastily went to meet him, refusing the conference 
set in his own country. There was a town of the 
countess, Canossa by name, fortified on all sides 
5 by walls and, by the nature of the place, verily an 
impregnable fortress. There, while the pope held 
court, the king coming with bare feet, prostrating 
himself on the ground, after many tears gained for- 
giveness, confirming the sworn oaths of his vassals, 

10 on condition of doing justice. Thus by the great 

prudence of Matilda peace was consolidated, though 

the bishops were not satisfied and remained in strife. 

7. Brunonis de Bello Saxonico {Bruno concerning the 

Saxon War). 

15 And when they had already begim to confer about 

choosing a new king the Saxons wanted to choose 

one of the Swabians ; the Swabians one of the 

Saxons. Over on the other bank of the Rhine 

the town of Mainz held Henry, all hope of holding 

20 his kingdom gone. Nevertheless, he sent messengers 
to arouse their pity that they might accord him the 
privilege of making reparation, for he had been 
punished enough. Our party, however, absolutely 
refused to deal with them until he had been absolved 

2s from the anathema by the papal legate. To hasten 
the account, they agreed to endure the humility of 
penance on the conditions which our party held out. 
When he had agreed to this our men proposed first 
that he reinstate in full authority the bishop of 

75 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

Worms, who had been long expelled from his city; 
secondly, that he should have letters written in 
which he admitted that he had unjustly afflicted the 
Saxons, These letters were to be looked over by 

s our men, were to be signed with the royal seal in their 
presence, and, thus sealed, were to be given to them 
and carried by their messengers throughout Ger- 
many and Italy. Then he himself was to go to Rome 
and, by making fitting amendment, free himself from 

10 the bonds of the anathema. Accordingly, the bishop 
was installed in the city with great honor. The 
letters were written and signed in the presence of 
our men and sent by our messengers throughout 
Germany and Italy, while the king prepared in all 

IS haste to free himself from the bonds of the anathema 
through the indulgence of the pope. But every one 
of our men took oath that unless Henry IV., son 
of the emperor Henry, was absolved from the ban by 
the pope at the beginning of February, never would 

20 he be, or be called, their king. This oath the pa- 
triarch was the first to take, and when it was set 
down on parchment he placed it among the letters in 
his wallet. Nevertheless, he kept it better in writing 
than he did in deed, and, as was said shortly before, 

25 he suffered a cruel punishment. 

Then the bishop of Patavia, legate of the Roman 
see, did likewise. After them all the bishops, dukes, 
counts, and all the other greater and lesser digni- 
taries who were present took the oath. But the 

76 



Canossa : From Oppenheim to Foresheim 

bishops accomplished more than the others, for they 
kept it among their letters. Then they despatched 
a legate to the pope to have him come to Augsburg 
early in February in order to have the case considered 
s carefully in the presence of all. There the pope 
might either absolve him from the ban or constrain 
him more closely than before. In the latter event 
they might then, with the pope's counsel, select 
another king who knew how to rule. When these 

10 matters had been accomplished the two armies 
separated with great friendship and marched home, 
rejoicing and singing the praise of the Lord. 

The pope had, in accordance with the wishes of the 
princes, started toward Augsburg in order to reach 

IS there at the beginning of February in the year 

of our Lord 1077. Our men, too, were hasten- 
ing there to receive him with due veneration when, 
lo ! it was announced to the pope that Henry had en- 
tered Italy with a large army. It was furthermore 

20 reported that if he had come across the mountains 
with his original intention it was to set up another 
pope. Accordingly, he (the pope) sent an envoy to 
meet our men while he himself turned back with 
many fears to save Italy from fire and sword. 

25 Henry, however, wandered through Italy, geo- 
graphically, but even more was he uncertain in 
p thought as to what he should do, for he feared 

that whatever he did he would lose his king- 
dom. If he did not come as a suppliant to the pope 

77 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

and receive absolution from the ban, he knew cer- 
tainly that he was lost ; if he did come as a suppliant 
to render satisfaction, he feared that the pope would 
deprive him of the kingdom on account of the enor- 

5 mity of his crimes; or, if he were disobedient to the 
pope the chains of papal restraint over him would be 
doubled. By such worries was he torn. Yet, though 
he felt that he was lost and would lose anyway, he 
selected that course as an alternative which offered 

10 most hope. Dressed in woolen garments and with 
bare feet he went to the pope and told him that he 
cared much more for the celestial than for the earthly 
kingdom^ and offered to accept humbly whatever 
penance he would inflict. The pope was pleased at 

IS the extreme humility of so great a man. He bade 
him, therefore, not to wear the insignia of royalty 
until he himself permitted it, so that the contrition of 
his heart might be more acceptable to omnipotent 
God if his vile garments bore external evidence of it. 

20 He admonished him further to keep away from his 
court and counsel those who were excommunicated, 
lest the cleanliness gained by a proper conversion 
with the grace of God should become uncleanly by 
contagion with others. Both of these conditions he 

2s promised to observe, and was legally absolved. Then 
he was dismissed by the pope, though not without 
further admonitions not to lie to God, and that if he 
did not fulfil his promises not only would the former 
bonds not be taken off, but others even more stringent 

78 



Canossa : From Oppenheim to Foresheim 

would be added. So he went back to his people and 
began to dismiss the objectionable from his court. 
Thereupon they began to cause trouble, saying that 
if he now dismissed from his presence those by whose 

s wisdom and courage he had thus far held his throne 
the pope could neither give him back that kingdom 
nor provide him with another. By such arguments 
his mind was changed. He returned to his former 
habits and bad counsel. He placed the golden 

10 crown upon his head and thus bound the anathema 
upon his heart with a grip stronger than that of iron. 
He held intercourse with the excommunicated, and 
from communion with the pious he was an outcast. 
It was, therefore, manifest to all that his statement 

IS ithat he loved the celestial kingdom more than the 
earthly was not true. If he had but a moment re- 
mained in obedience he would now be holding his 
earthly kingdom in peace and when the time came 
would gain the celestial to hold without end. Now, 

20 however, that he is disobedient, he will not obtain 
this which he loves without great labor, and will not 
gain the other unless he greatly changes his whole 
life. 

Meanwhile the Saxons and Swabians met at 

as Foresheim, but there were present also legates from 
other regions who indicated that their people 
approved whatever these should suitably ac- 
complish in regard to the republic. There was pres- 
ent Hkewise a legate of the pope who strengthened 

79 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

with the authority of the apostolic subHmity all the 
measures which our men took for the effective ar- 
rangement of the kingdom. From the many whom 
they brought forth in the election as of proven worth, 

s nevertheless, the Saxons and Swabians with one ac- 
cord chose Rudolph of the Swabians as their king. 
But when they had to approve him as king one by one 
some of them wanted to impose some conditions, to 
elevate him as king over themselves according to this 

10 law, when he had made an especial promise to them 
of justification of their injuries. For duke Otto was 
unwilling to make him his king until he should 
promise to restore the honor unjustly taken from him. 
In the same manner also many others interposed indi- 

15 vidual conditions which they wanted him to promise 
to correct. The apostolic legate, learning of/this, kept 
it from being done, and, pointing out that the king 
would be king not of single states, but of all, he re- 
garded it sufficient if the king promised to be just to 

20 all. He said, likewise, that if the king were elected in 
the manner in which they had begun, each exacting 
promises in advance, the election would not be sincere, 
but would seem to be polluted with the poison of the 
heresy of simony. Nevertheless, certain cases were 

2s especially excepted which, because they had unjustly 
flourished, he ought to correct — ^namely, that he 
should not grant bishoprics for money or friendship, 
but to allow to each church the election by its mem- 
bers as the canons command. This was likewise 

8o 



Canossa : From Oppenheim to Foresheim 

approved there by general assent and confirmed by 
the authority of the Roman pontiff, that the royal 
power should fall to no one by heredity, as the 
custom had been before, but that the son of a king, 
s even if he were very worthy, should become king 
through a free election, rather than by lineal descent; 
on the other hand, if the son of a king were unworthy, 
or if the people didn't wish him, the people should 
have him in power whom they wished to make king. 

lo After all these matters had been legally settled they 
conducted Rudolph, the king-elect, to Mainz with 
great honor, and supported him while he was receiv- 
ing the royal consecration with veneration and with 
might, as was soon apparent. He was, however, con- 

15 secrated by Seigfrid, archbishop of the city of Mainz, 
in the presence and with the assistance of very many 
others in the year of the Lord 1077 on the 7th day 
from the Calends of April (26th of March). 
8. Anonymi Vita Heinrici IV., Imperatoris, 

20 Their [Saxons'] conspiracy was further strength- 
ened by the addition of some of the Lombards, 
Franks, Bavarians, and Swabians. Exchanging mu- 
tual pledges of faith, they combined to wage war on 
the king from all sides. They saw, however, that 

2 5 while they might wage war on him they could not dis- 
lodge or overcome him ; nay, his strength was as yet 
unassailable. In order to weaken his power, there- 
fore, they drew up a lot of fictitious charges against 
him. These charges were the foulest and worst that 

81 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

spite and malice could conceive, charges so foul that, 
should I set them down, they would nauseate me 
to write them, you to read them. Mingling truth 
with falsehood, they sent the indictment to pope 

s Gregory. It held that so disgracefid a person, better 
known for his crimes than by his name, was unfit 
to rule, especially since he had not obtained his royal 
dignity at Rome, that its rights in constituting kings 
ought to be returned to it, and that the pope and 

10 Rome should, with the counsel of the princes, select 
a king whose wisdom and conduct accorded with so 
great an honor. The pope was both misled by this 
fraudulent representation and lured on by the honor 
of creating a king, which they so falsely held out to 

IS him. He placed the king under a ban and com- 
manded the bishops and princes to abstain from 
all intercourse with the excommunicated sovereign. 
Furthermore, he announced that he would speedily 
come to the Teutonic lands to deal with the affairs 

20 of the church,' and especially with those of the 
kingdom. Nay, he even went further. He ab- 
solved from their oath of fidelity all who were so 
bound to the king in order that this absolution might 
turn against him all whom that bond still held, 

25 This displeased many — if, indeed, any one may be 
displeased at what the pope does — and they asserted 
that this deed was as ineffectively as it was illegally 
done. But I dare not set forth their assertions lest 
I seem with them to disapprove the deed of the pope. 

82 



Canossa : From Oppenheim to Foresheim 

Soon most of the bishops who sided with the king 
either from affection or from fear withdrew from his 
side for fear of their positions. So, also, did most 
of their followers. When the king saw his affairs 

s in such a plight he secretly made a shrewd resolve. 
Suddenly and unexpectedly he set out to meet the 
pope. And thereby he accomplished two things — 
he received absolution from the ban and intercepted / 
the suspicious conference of his enemies and thej 

10 pope. As to the crimes charged against him he 
made no particular reply, for, he asserted, it was not 
for him to answer the accusation of his enemies, 
even if it were true. What advantage has it been 
to you to have had him put under the ban when, now 

IS released of that ban, he enjoys his power fully? 
What has it profited you to have accused him of 
fictitious charges when, with his easy answer, he has 
scattered your accusation like a puff of wind ? Nay, 
what madness put you in arms against your king, the 

20 ruler of the world? Your malicious conspiracy has 
accomplished nothing, has profited nothing. Whom 
the hand of God has confirmed in his rule you cannot 
dethrone. Where is that loyalty which you swore 
to him? Wherefore have you been unmindful of 

2S the benefices which he conferred on you with royal 
favor? Henceforth employ wise counsel, not rage. 
Be penitent for your venture and thankful that he 
did not rise up in his might and conquer you; that 
he did not grind you in the dust under his feet and 
7 83 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

inflict that vengeance on you which would show to 
future ages what the hand of a king could do. At 
all events, O bishop, see that you do not wander 
from the paths of justice; see that you become not 

s transgressors of your plighted faith. Nay, you know 
what the consequences will be to you. 
9. Liber Bonithonis Ad Amicum (the Book of Bonizo 
to a Friend). 
Meanwhile the venerable Gregory started with the 

10 grace of peace on his journey to Augsburg with the 
greatest difficulty on the march, for a most severe 
winter was then raging. The king, in truth, holding 
his oath of little account, very suddenly entered 
Italy. And there are those who say that he wished 

IS to capture the pope unaware. Which seems suf- 
ficiently like the truth, for Gregory,' bishop of Ver- 
celH, his chancellor in fact — he whom the princes had 
commanded to conduct the pope over the mountains 
— after he had crossed the yoke of the Apennines, 

20 heard that he had secretly come within the town of 
Vercelli. When he announced this to the pope the 
pope straightway went into Canossa, a most safely 
fortified camp of the most excellent Matilda. 

The king, in the mean time, seeing that his schemes 

25 had been divulged, as was evident to every one, laid 
aside his ferocity, and approached Canossa clothed 

I in dove-like simplicity. And, by suffering for several 

1 days with bare feet on the snow and ice, he deceived 
all the less wise, and from the venerable Gregory, 

84 



Canossa: From Oppenheim to Foresheim 

who, nevertheless, was not ignorant of his tricks, he 
obtained the absolution which he sought, the Lord's 
sacrament taking a part in the celebration of the 
mass in this manner. For he made him a participant 

5 in the divine supper in the presence of the bishops, 
abbots, religious clerks, and laymen in this way, so 
that if the king had humiliated himself in mind as in 
body and believed him to be rightful pope, that he 
himself had been excommunicated after the example 

10 of Photius and Dioscurus, and that he could be 
absolved through this sacrament, the supper would 
be to his salvation, but otherwise Satan would enter 
him after the host. What more? When the mass 
had been celebrated they had dinner together. 

IS Then he and all those absolved from the excommuni- 
cation were commanded to avoid all association 
with the excommimicate. But there are some who 
say that he swore to the pope his life and his limb 
and his honor. But I do not at all affirm what I do 

20 not know. 

lo. Donizonis Vita Matildis {Donizo's Life oj Ma- 
tilda) . 
Shortly after the death of her [Matilda's] mother 
the rumor spread through the world that the king 
had been condemned by the renowned pope. The 

25 brave and the powerful throughout the kingdom were 
indeed much wrought up, and said it was rash arro- 
gance not to yield sincerely and graciously to the 
Roman see, which holds the keys of heaven. Where- 

85 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

fore they rightly decided to shun him until he should 
yield; until he should strive to regain the peace of 
the pope. When the king reaHzed that he could not 
otherwise recover his rule he sent word to his relation, 

s Matilda. He begged her without fail to devise some 
plan to get the pope to come to Lombardy from the 
city that he himself might seek fitting indulgence. 
And the pope, when he heard the prayers of Ma- 
tilda, granted her request. The worthy shepherd 

10 left Rome, came to Canossa, and tarried there. Here 
she fittingly received him as the vicar of St. Peter, 
and was greeted by him. There, too, was the queen, 
wife of king Henry, accompanied by Matilda, and 
there was a great throng besides. Beyond me there 

IS became a new Rome while these things were going 
on. O city, to your honor, behold! With me are 
king and pope alike, as well as the lords of Italy, 
and also of Gaul, Ultramontane, and Rome, effulgent 
with the pontifical garland. Many wise men, too, 

20 are here. Among them stands Hugh, abbot of Clu- 
ny, who was godfather of the baptism of the king. 

These lords held discussions of peace, and, though 
they remained in discussion for three days, there was 
no peace. And the king, wishing to withdraw, went 

25 to the chapel of St. Nicholas and tearfully implored 
the pastor Hugh to become surety for his peace. 
To the king's entreaty the abbot replied, "This may 
not be." Then he asked it of Matilda, but she also 
replied, "This no one may do but you, I believe." 

86 



Canossa: From Oppenheim to Foresheim 

Then on bended knees he said to her: "Unless you 
aid me greatly nevermore will I shatter a shield, 
for the pope has punished me severely. Go, power- 
ful cousin, do me this favor." She raised him and 

5 pledged him her word. Then she left him and went 
up to the pope while the king remained below. 
She spoke to the pope, crying out against the end of 
the king, and in the earnestly spoken words of the 
venerable lady he put faith. Nevertheless, the re- 

10 called king was to swear to be faithful to the holy 
see and to do whatever the patron Gregory willed. 
January this year was very cold, and there was a 
great deal of snow. Seven days before the end of the 
month the king, his naked feet nipped by the cold, 

IS was admitted to the presence of the pope. He threw 
himself on the cross, shouting again and again: 
"Spare me, blessed father! Holy father, spare me, 
I beseech- thee." And the pope, gazing upon him 
crying, pitied him very much, and after having 

20 blessed him accorded him peace. Then he conducted 
mass himself and gave him the body of the Lord. 
They ate together in the castle of Canossa, and after 
he had taken his oath the pope dismissed him. He 
went to the city of Regina, where there was a great 

25 throng hostile to the pope and fearful that this peace 
would be made. 

II. Letter of Gregory VII. to the German Princes 
(January 28, 1077). 
Gregory, bishop, servant of the servants of God, 

87 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

sends his greeting and the apostoHc blessing to all 
the archbishops, bishops, dukes, counts, and other 
princes of the kingdom of the Germans who uphold 
the Christian faith. 

s Inasmuch as you have for the love of justice as- 
sumed common cause with us and incurred danger 
in the throes of a Christian warfare, we have taken 
pains to make known to you with sincere affection, 
my friends, how the king as a humble suppliant 

10 obtained the indulgence of absolution and forgive- 
ness, and all that has happened in the affair since he 
entered Italy. 

According to our agreement with yoiir envoys, we 
came into Lombardy about twenty days before the 

IS time fixed for one of the dukes to meet us at the 
pass. We awaited his arrival so that we might come 
over to that country. The appointed time had 
already passed when news was brought to us that 
because of many difficulties, as we can readily be- 

20 lieve, no escort could be sent us at this time. And, 
since we had no other means of crossing over to your 
country, we were very much worried as to just what 
we should do. 

Meanwhile we learned for certain, however, that 

25 the king was approaching. Even before he had 
entered Italy he had sent suppliant envoys to us to 
the effect that he offered to render satisfaction to 
God, to St. Peter, and to us in all things. This 
promise of mending his ways and being obedient in 

88 



Canossa : From Oppenheim to Foresheim 

all things he repeated if only we woiild grant him 
the favor of absolution and the apostolic blessing. 
We deferred this a long time. There were many 
consultations, and through all the messengers that 

s passed between us we chided him severely for his 
excesses. At length he came in person with a few 
followers to the town of Canossa where we were 
staying. Not a sign of hostility or boldness did he 
show. All his royal insignia he laid aside, and, 

10 wretchedly clad in woolen garments, he stood per- 
sistently for three long days with bare feet before 
the gate of the castle. Constantly and with many 
tears he implored the apostolic mercy for help and 
consolation tmtil he had moved all who were within 

IS hearing to such pity and depth of compassion that 
they interceded for him with many prayers and 
tears. They expressed wonder at the unusual hard- 
ness of our heart, and some even insisted that we 
were exercising, not apostolic severity, but the 

20 ferocious cruelty of a tyrant. 

His persistent compunction and the many suppli- 
cations of all who were present at length overcame 
us. We loosed the bonds of the anathema and re- 
ceived him at last into the favor of communion and 

2s the fold of the holy mother church. Those whose 
names appear below we accepted as sponsors for 
him. In addition the transaction was also confirmed 
by the abbot of Cluny, our daughters Matilda and 
the countess Adelaide, as well as by such of the 

89 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History- 
other princes, episcopal and lay, whom we considered 
of use for this purpose. 

Thus these matters were accomplished. Now we 
desire at the very first opportunity to cross over to 

s yoiu- country in order that we may, with God's help, 
more fully settle all matters relating to the peace of 
the church and the concord of the kingdom, as we 
have long desired to do. For we want you, friends, 
to know beyond doubt, as you can gather from the 

10 mention of sponsors, that the whole matter is still 
so unsettled that our arrival and counsel with all 
of you are extremely necessary. Therefore do you 
all strive to remain in the faith with which you 
began and in the love of justice, with the assurance 

IS that we are not bound to the king in any way beyond 
that of having told him in words alone, as is our 
custom, to expect help from us only in those matters 
of his safety and honor with justice of mercy without 
danger to his soul or to ours. 

20 Oath of Henry, King of the Germans. 

I, King Henry, will, within the time which our lord 
pope has fixed, either do justice according to his 
judgment or make peace according to his coimsels 
in regard to the dissatisfaction and the opposition 

as which the archbishops, bishops, dukes, counts, and 
other German princes, as well as those who follow 
them in this matter, cherish against me. And if 
some great obstacle prevent I shall be ready to 

90 



Canossa : From Oppenheim to Foresheim 

fulfil this as soon as that has been removed. Fur- 
thermore, if the aforesaid lord pope Gregory shall 
wish to cross the mountains or go to other parts of 
the world, he himself, as well as those with him, also 

s the legates going to or from him to any part of the 
earth, shall in coming, stopping, and returning be 
secure from bodily hurt or seizure at the hands of 
myself or any whom I can constrain. Nor shall I 
place in his way any obstacle contrary to his dignity, 

10 and if any one so molest him I shall with good faith 
aid him according to my ability. 

Dated at Canossa on the fifth day before the 
Calends of February, in the Fifteenth Indiction, in 
the year of our Lord Jesus Christ 1077. Witnessed 

IS by the bishops Humbert of Prceneste and Gerald of 
Ostia; the Roman cardinals Peter of the title of 
St. Chrysogonus and Cono of the title of St. Anas- 
tasius; the Roman deacons Gregory and Bernard 
and the subdeacon Humbert ; on the side of the king 

20 by the archbishop of Bremen, the bishops of Vercelli 
and Osnabruck, the abbot of Cluny, and many noble 
men. 



PROBLEM III 
III. — The Capture of Jerusalem in 1099 



The Capture of Jerusalem in 1099 

I. THE HISTORICAL SETTING OF THE PROBLEM^ 

TO understand the narratives and to get a sympathetic 
appreciation of the characters, the pupil must know 
something of the history of the crusades and the relative 
conditions of western Europe and the East. 

The crusaders, who in 1096 undertook the conquest of 
the Holy Land from the Turks, were uncultured West- 
erners, who knew little about the higher civilizations of 
the Byzantine empire or of the Saracen world. The 
years spent on the crusade meant a liberal education to 
these people, who, except as they may have chanced to 
hear tales of the magic East from the lips of pilgrims and 
travelers, had previously known nothing better than the 
crude life of western Europe. The wealth and luxury 
that they found were beyond all their expectations, and 
at every city that they captured the leaders quarreled; 
each was eager to obtain possession, to settle down in this 
wondrous land and build up a principality for himself. 
Thus, the religious purpose was often forgotten in the 
rivalry of the leaders, and it long seemed doubtful whether 
the crusading army wotdd ever reach the Holy City that 
they had started out with such eagerness to rescue. 

' The best account of the capture of Jerusalem in English may be 
found in Archer and Kingsford's The Crvsades (The Story of the 
Nations SerieS; Putnams, New York.) 

95 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

Thus Bohemond, the Norman adventurer from south- 
em Italy, who probably started on the expedition with a 
definite purpose to win territory for himself with his 
sword, outwitted the other leaders and obtained the 
splendid city of Antioch as his prize. Baldwdn, the brother 
of Duke Godfrey of Bouillon, left the main army at An- 
tioch and estabHshed himself at Edessa. Raymond, 
the count of Toulouse and the greatest lord in southern 
France, was equally anxious to gain a portion of this rich 
land, but his ambition was checked at every point, and 
chiefly by his crafty rival, Bohemond. The ambitions 
and jealousies of the leaders threatened to wreck the 
crusade, but the people in the ranks at length grew weary 
of quarrels and demanded that they be led to Jerusalem. 
Thus the army forced the leaders to forget their selfish 
ambitions, and early in June of 1099 the crusaders ar- 
rived before Jerusalem. The jealousies of the leaders 
continued during the siege, and, although Bohemond was 
not present, Rajmiond was always regarded with sus- 
picion by the other leaders. 

Later, the Westerners who remained in the East and 
made it their home came to appreciate the culture of their 
Saracen neighbors. They found it to their advantage to 
cultivate friendly relations, but in 1099 the crusaders 
had not been long enough in the East to adopt so tolerant 
an attitude. They had been impressed by the wealth 
of the country and hoped to conquer and rule it, but they 
still regarded the Saracens as enemies of their religion 
who deserved no consideration. Firm in their belief that 
all unbelievers were an inferior race, they had not yet re- 
alized that they could learn much from their Saracen 
enemies. Thus at the siege of Jerusalem the crusaders 
show the same fanatical hatred that had characterized 
the beginning of the crusade. 

96 



The Capture of Jerusalem in 1099 

Some lessons, however, the crusaders had learned. In 
warfare, where they were most expert and in which they 
were most interested,they had found it necessary to change 
their methods. The heavy Western horsemen had too 
often found themselves helpless before the light Turkish 
cavalry that never gave them peace, but would not come 
to close quarters and fight hand to hand. Such methods 
of fighting were new to the crusaders. They also found 
that the taking of the walled cities of the East was a much 
more difhcult matter than the storming of the less scien- 
tifically fortified castles of the West. From the Greeks 
they learned how to besiege walled cities, and many of 
these ideas were used at the siege of Jerusalem. Siege- 
craft and fortification were greatly modified in the West 
by returning crusaders, who used to advantage the 
knowledge which they had acquired in the East. 

The crusade and the capture of Jerusalem made a 
■wonderful impression on the popular imagination of the 
West. In an age when fighting and the type of religion 
that found expression in the crusades were matters of 
absorbing interest, it is not surprising that an awakening 
Europe should develop a imiversal interest in this rescue 
of the Holy Land. The extracts reflect this popular 
attitude. The idea that the places where the Christian 
religion had found its origin could confer actual spiritual 
benefit upon the pilgrim who visited them was a part of 
the religious belief of the age. Its coiinterpart was the 
belief that relics, any articles that had been sanctified 
by some holy person, had a practical spiritual value and 
miraculous attributes. Thus the unearthing at Antioch 
of what was believed to be the spear that had pierced the 
side of Christ had been interpreted as a sign of the Lord's 
favor, and had resulted in a burst of religious fanaticism 
that had saved the crusaders from the dangerous plight 

97 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

in which they had found themselves. Similar expres- 
sions of religious enthusiasm occurred at Jerusalem. 

However, the spirit of the crusade was not mere re- 
ligious romanticism. The cold-blooded ambition of the 
leaders dehberately exploited the religious feeling of the 
common people. The army itself fluctuated from in- 
tense piety, which usually appeared when they found 
themselves unprosperous and in danger, to moral laxity. 
The medieval man was a creature of moods. The matter 
uppermost in his mind received absorbing attention to the 
exclusion of all else. Thus in trying to understand these 
crusaders it is necessary to remember that they were 
naive and childlike, but, although the ideals and standards 
of the age were very different from those of to-day, the 
motives that guided action were nevertheless intensely 
human even in the last days of the eleventh century. It 
is only by such an interpretation that the real spirit of 
the crusaders can be appreciated. 

II. THE AUTHORS OF THE ACCOUNTS 

The three extracts that follow have been translated 
from the Latin chronicles of the crusades. The writers 
of these accounts give the best information that we have 
concerning the capture of Jerusalem in 1099, for they were 
themselves eye-witnesses of this event. There are other 
narratives of the taking of the Holy City which contain 
additional information, but, because the authors were 
not eye-witnesses, we cannot be so sure of the reliability 
of their facts. Often they merely copied earlier writings 
or obtained their information from men who had been to 
the Holy Land; again they may have gone to the Holy 
Land later and heard the story of the siege there. In 
any of these cases they obtained their facts second hand. 

98 



The Capture of Jerusalem in 1099 

One other short account of this event may be mentioned. 
It is to be found in a letter written by the leaders of the 
army to the pope in September of 1099.^ 

This letter and the three extracts printed below are 
the only accounts written by eye-witnesses known to be 
in existence, and they can thus be regarded as the most 
accurate narratives of the capture of Jerusalem by the 
crusaders. In comparing different statements, any bias 
or characteristic that might affect the point of view of the 
chronicler should be carefiilly considered. The writers 
present the attitude of different factions in the army, as 
well as the different points of view of the leaders and of 
the common people. 

I, The name of the author of the Gesta Francorum et 
aliorum Hierosolymitanorum {The Deeds oj the Franks 
and other Crusaders) is unknown. He makes no specific 
reference to himself in the chronicle. Other chomiclers 
who used this book (one of them saw it in iioi) ap- 
parently did not know the author ; at least, they have not 
given us his name. The reliability of the work has been 
established by internal criticism — that is, by a careful con- 
sideration of the subject matter and by testing the facts 
given by the author by comparison with other writers. 
The account is in the form of a diary written from time to 
time on the march. The author was apparently not 
a man who knew the secrets of the leaders, but wrote 
down his own impressions and experiences, describing 
the events of which he was an eye-witness. He was re- 
ligious, intensely interested in the crusade, and, because 
of his genuine and sincere effort to tell what he observed, 
his account is one of the best that we have of the first 
crusade. Apparently, the Anonymous, as he is called, 

^ This has been translated, and may be found in Translations and 
Reprints, University of Pennsylvania, Vol, I, No. 4, p. 10. 
S 99 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History- 
was a Norman knight from southern Italy. He accom- 
panied Bohemond to Constantinople. Then for a short 
period he was with Tancred, but was again in Bohemond's 
service in 1098. Later, he became connected with Ray- 
mond of Toulouse, with whom he went to Jerusalem in 
1099, where he witnessed the suffering and hardships as. 
well as the final triumph. The Anonymous represents 
the attitude of the average crusader. 

2. Fulk, the author of the Gesta Francorum Jerusalem 
expugnantium {The Deeds of the Franks who Attacked Jeru- 
salem), was a priest from Chartres. He began his journey 
with Robert of Normandy and Stephen, count of Blois 
and Chartres; but at Antioch he attached himself to 
Baldwin, the brother of Godfrey, whose chaplain he be- 
came, and he is thus our principal source for the story 
of Baldwin's capture of Edessa. He was at Jerusalem 
in 1099. The chronicle has somewhat the form of a 
diary, and is full of the interesting observations that a 
curious Westerner of the time would make on such an 
expedition. Fulk represents the point of view of the 
crusader from northern France. The work is continued 
down to 1 125, although the first part, containing the ex- 
tract that describes the capture of Jerusalem, was probably 
written not later than 1105. 

3. The Historia Francorum qui Ceperunt Jerusalem (The 
History of the Franks who Captured Jerusalem), by Ray- 
mond of Agiles, although the work of an eye-witness and 
the longest, deserves more cautious use. The author was 
a priest, like Fulk, and went on the crusade as the chaplain 
of Raymond (coimt of Toulouse), who led the crusaders 
from southern France. The account was written later 
than the others, probably about 11 12. Count Raymond 
received favorable treatment at the hands of his chaplain, 
but this priest, who was canon of Puy, had personal rea- 

100 



The Capture of Jerusalem in 1099 

sons for writing a history of the crusade. He was one of 
the men who helped to find the holy lance at Antioch. 
The enemies of Count Raymond, because he made every 
possible use of this relic, charged him with fraud, and his 
chaplain tried to vindicate both his master and himself 
by writing a history of the crusade. Thus, although his 
information was obtained first hand, our chronicler is 
biased and, furthermore, on the defensive. In any case 
where his information might be colored by such prejudice, 
careful comparison should be made with the other writers. 



III. QUESTIONS FOR STUDY 

1. Describe the fortification of Jerusalem in 1099. 

2. What was the location of the different leaders during the 

siege? 

3. What changes were made in the plan of attack during the 

siege? What reasons can be found for such changes? 

4. Describe the first assault made by the crusaders. 

5. How was the progress of the siege delayed by the lack of. 

provisions and the poor water supply? 

6. Describe the fight that Raymond Piletus had, on his march 

to Joppa. 

7. What part did the fleet and Genoese sailors have in the siege? 

8. What evidence of dissension and lack of harmony in the 

crusading army is to be found in the extracts? 

9. By what means was harmony established among the cru- 

saders? 

10. Discuss the use of siege towers. 

11. What machines and siege devices were used to obtain an 

entrance into the city? 

12. What methods did the Turks use to defend the city? 

13. Describe the first attack on the city. Try to give date, and 

tell why it failed. 

14. Describe the final attack that resulted in the Franks enter- 

ing the city. What was the date? 

lOI 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

15. What part did Raymond have in the siege? 

16. What resistance did the crusaders encounter after they 

had forced their way into the city? 

17. Describe the fight at the temple of Solomon. 

18. How did the crusaders treat the inhabitants and defenders 

of the city? 

19. Describe the sacking of the city. 

20. In what ways do the chroniclers illustrate the general at- 

titude of Westerners toward the Mohammedans? 

21. What can you say of the piety of the crusaders? 

22. Can you show that people in the year 1099 believed in 

miracles? 

23. How long did the siege of Jerusalem last? 

24. How was the capture of the city celebrated? 

25. How does the importance of the capture of Jerusalem, in 

the estimation of the chroniclers, show the general 
Western attitude toward the crusade? 



IV. The Sources 

I. The Gesta Francorum et aliorum Hierosoly- 
mitanorum {The Deeds of the Franks and 
other Crusaders), by an anonymous author, 
s Rejoicing and exulting, we reached the city of 
Jerusalem on Tuesday, June 6th, and began to besiege 
the city in a marvelous manner. Robert, the Nor- 
man, located himself on the north side, near the 
church of St. Stephen,^ which was built on the 

10 very spot where that first martyr won eternal 
happiness by being stoned in Christ's name. Next 
to the Norman duke, Robert, count of Flanders, 
stationed his contingent, while duke Godfrey and 
Tancred prepared to attack the city from the west.^ 

15 The count of St. ^gidius located himself on the 
south, on Moimt Zion, near the church of St. Mary, 

* The church of St. Stephen was built on the spot where Stephen 
was supposed to have been stoned. The church that the crusaders 
found in ruins was built by the Greeks about the eighth century. 

20 ^ Tancred was the nephew of Robert Guiscard, the Norman ruler 
of southern Italy. With Bohemond, the oldest son of Robert, he 
led the crusading army from southern Italy. Raymond, count of 
Toulouse, was also count of St. Gilles, duke of Narbonne, and 
marquis of Provence. He was also called coitnt of St. ^gidius. 

2 5 Raymond was the most powerful lord in southern France. 

103 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

the mother of the Lord, where Christ once supped 
with His disciples. 

On the third day some of our men, namely Ray- 
mond Piletus and Raymond of Taurina, went out 
s on a foraging expedition. They encountered a 
force of two hundred Arabs, and the soldiers of 
Christ fought these unbelievers. With the Lord's 
help, they fought so valiantly that they killed many 
of the enemy and captured thirty horses. On the 

10 first Monday after our arrival we made an. attack 
on the city, and so bravely did we fight that if scal- 
ing ladders had been ready for our use the city would 
most certainly have fallen into our hands. As it was, 
we pulled down the outer wall and placed one ladder 

IS against the main wall, so that some of our men 
ascended and fought hand to hand with swords 
and lances against the Saracen defenders of the city. 
Many of our men were killed in this attack, but the 
enemy lost more heavily. 

20 However, for a period of ten days we were not 
able to buy bread at any price, until a messenger 
arrived announcing the arrival of our ships. We 
also suffered greatly from thirst. In fear and terror 
we were forced to water our horses and other animals 

25 at a distance of six miles from camp. The Spring 

of Siloam,'^ at the foot of Mount Zion, sustained us. 

When the messenger arrived from our ships, the 

leaders took counsel and decided that armed men 

* See note 3, p. 109. 
104 



The Capture of Jerusalem in 1099 

should be sent to guard the ships and sailors at the 
port of Joppa. So one hundred men from the army 
of Raymond, count of St. ^gidius, under Raymond 
Piletus, Archardus of Montemerlus and William of 
5 Sabram, left camp in the early dawn and started 
confidently toward Joppa. Thirty of these knights 
separated themselves from the rest of the band and 
met seven hundred Arabs, Turks, and Saracens from 
the army of the Emir. The soldiers of Christ boldly 

10 attacked the enemy, but, as they were greatly out- 
numbered, they were soon surrounded; Archardus 
and some of the poor footmen were killed.^ While 
this band was completely surrounded and all believed 
that they could not escape death, a messenger was 

IS sent to Raymond Piletus who said, "Why do you 
stand here with these knights? Lo, all of our men 
are in serious danger from the Arabs, Turks, and 
Saracens, and may all be dead by this time. Hasten 
to them and aid them." As soon as they heard this 

20 our men hastened to the scene of battle. The 
pagans, when they saw the rest of our knights ap- 
proach, formed themselves into two lines. Our 
men rushed upon the unbelievers, shouting the name 
of Christ, each determined to bring down his man. 

25 The enemy soon realized that they would not be 

^ The knights were always accompanied by foot soldiers, so the 
numerical strength of this band was larger than the number of 
knights would indicate. In the crusading battles the footmen out- 
numbered the horsemen 2, 3, 4, and even 7 to i. The personal 
30 attendant of a knight was a squire. 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

able to withstand the bravery of the Franks, so they 
turned their backs and fled in terror. They were 
pursued for a distance of six miles. Many of the 
enemy were killed, and one man, whom they regarded 
s as a very important person, was taken alive. One 
hundred and three horses were captured. 

During this siege we were so distressed with thirst 
that we were forced to carry water a distance of six 
miles in the skins of cattle and wild oxen, and be- 

10 tween fetid water and barley bread we were daily 
in great want and suffering. Moreover, the Saracens 
hid in ambush at the watering places and either 
killed and wounded our animals or drove them away 
to caverns and caves in the hills. 

IS At length oiir leaders decided to beleaguer the city 
with siege machines, so that we might enter and 
worship the Saviour at the Holy Sepulcher. Two 
wooden towers and many other siege machines were 
constructed.^ Duke Godfrey made a wooden tower 

20 and other siege devices, and count Raymond did the 
same, although it was necessary to bring the wood 
from a considerable distance. However, when the 
Saracens saw our men engaged in this work they 
greatly strengthened the fortifications of the city by 

2s ^ The siege tower was made of wood and was moved by wheels 
or rollers. The tower usually had two or more stories. In the 
lower story was a ram to batter holes in the wall. At the top were 
archers and various engines that discharged stones and other 
missiles. A drawbridge was also attached to the tower which could 

30 be lowered to the wall when the tower had been moved close enough. 

106 



The Capture of Jerusalem in 1099 

increasing the height of the turrets at night. On a 
certain Sabbath night, after the leaders had decided 
which parts of the wall were weakest, they dragged 
the towers and the machines to the eastern side of 
s the city. The tower and machines were erected, 
equipped, and made ready for use during Sunday, 
Monday, and Tuesday. The count of St. ^gidius 
erected his tower on the plain to the south of the 
city. 

10 While all this was going on our water supply was 
so limited that no one could buy enough water for 
one denarius ^ to satisfy his thirst. Both night and 
day, on Wednesday and Thursday, we made a de- 
termined attack on the city from all sides. However, 

IS before we made this assault on the city, the bishops 
and priests persuaded all by exhorting and preaching 
to honor the Lord by marching around Jerusalem in 
a great procession, and to prepare for battle by prayer, 
fasting, and almsgiving. Early Saturday morning 

20 we again attacked the city on all sides, but, as the 
assault was unsuccessful, we were all discouraged 
and fearful. But when that hour approached on 
which our Lord Jesus Christ deigned to suffer on 
the cross for us our knights began to fight bravely in 

25 one of the towers — namely, the party with duke God- 
frey and his brother, count Eustace. One of our 
knights, named Lethold, clambered up the wall of 

^ A coin that was used most commonly in western Europe at this 
time. It is impossible to say what the purchasing value was. 

107 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

the city, and no sooner had he ascended than the 
defenders fled from the walls and through the city. 
Our men followed, killing and slaying even to the 
temple of Solomon, where the slaughter was so great 

s that our men waded in blood up to their ankles. 

Raymond approached the city from the south, 

but he was unable to move his tower close to the 

wall because of a deep ditch. So he announced that 

any one who should carry three stones to the moat 

10 would receive one denarius, but notwithstanding 
this reward, the work of filling the ditch required 
three days and three nights. The tower was at last 
moved up to the wall, but the men defending this 
portion of the wall fought desperately with stones 

IS and fire. When the count heard that the Franks 
were already in the city, he said to his men, "Why 
do you loiter? Lo, the Franks are even now within 
the city." The Emir, who commanded in the tower 
of St. David, surrendered and opened that gate at 

20 which the pilgrims had always been accustomed to 
pay tribute. But this time the pilgrims entered the 
city to pursue and kill the Saracens up to the temple 
of Solomon, where the enemy gathered in force ; and 
the battle raged throughout the day, so that the 

25 temple was covered with blood. When the pagans 
were unable to resist longer, our men seized great 
numbers, both men and women, either killing them 
or keeping them as captives, as they wished. On 
the roof of the temple a great number of pagans of 

io8 



The Capture of Jerusalem in 1099 

both sexes had assembled, and these were taken under 
the protection of Tancred and Gaston of Beert. 
Afterward, the army scattered throughout the city 
and took possession of the gold and silver, the horses 
s and mules, and the houses full of loot for all. 

Later, all of our people went to the Sepulcher of our 
Lord, rejoicing and weeping for joy, and they rendered 
up the offering that they owed. In the morning 
some of our men cautiously ascended to the roof of the 

10 temple and massacred many of the Saracens, both men 
and women, with their swords ; the remainder sought 
death by jumping down into the temple. When 
Tancred heard of this he was filled with anger. ^ 
2. The Gesta Francorum Jerusalem expugnantium 

IS {The Deeds of the Franks who Attacked Jeru- 

salem), by Fulk of Chartres. 
On the seventh of June^ the Franks besieged 
Jerusalem. The city is located in a mountainous 
region, which is lacking in rivers, woods, and springs, 

20 except the Fountain of Siloam, where there is plenty 
of water, but it empties forth only at certain in- 
tervals.^ This fountain empties into the valley, at 

^ Tancred apparently wished to sell these people into slavery. 
^ The Anonymous says (p. 103) that the crusaders arrived at 
25 Jerusalem on Tuesday, June 6, in 1099. June 6th would be on 
Monday. The different chroniclers vary as to the date. 

^ The Spring of Siloam was intermittent, and the water flowed less 

frequently in the summer than in the spring. In the interior of the 

rock there is a natural reservoir, in which the water collected. A 

30 passage connects this reservoir with the outer basin, and when the 

water rose to a certain height this passage acted as a siphon. 

109 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

the foot of Mount Zion, and flows into the course of 
the brook of Kedron, which, during the winter, flows 
through the valley of Jehosaphat. There are many 
cisterns, which furnish abundant water within the 

s city. When filled by the winter rains and well cared 
for, they offer both men and beasts an unfailing 
supply at all times. Moreover, the city is laid out 
most beautifully, and cannot be criticized for too 
great length or as being disproportionately narrow. 

10 On the west is the tower of David, which is flanked 
on both sides by the broad wall of the city. The 
lower half of the wall is solid masonry, of square 
stones and mortar, sealed with molten lead. So 
strong is this wall that, if fifteen or twenty men 

IS should be well supplied with provisions, they would 
never be taken by any army. . . . 

When the Franks saw how difficult it would be to 
take the city, the leaders ordered scaling ladders to 
be made, hoping that by a brave assault it might 

20 be possible to surmount the walls by means of 
ladders and thus take the city, God helping. So the 
ladders were made, and on the day following the 
seventh,^ in the early morning, the leaders ordered 
the attack, and, with the trumpets sounding, a 

25 splendid assault was made on the city from all sides. 
The attack lasted till the sixth hour, but it was dis- 
covered that the city could not be entered by the use 

^ This would be the 8th of June according to Fulk. According 
to the Anonymous, an attack was made on Monday, the 13th. 

no 



The Capture of Jerusalem in 1099 

of ladders, which were few in number, and sadly we 
ceased the attack. 

Then a council was held, and it was ordered that 
siege machines should be constructed by the artisans, 

s so that by moving them close to the wall we might 
accomplish our purpose, with the aid of God. This 
was done. 

In the mean time, while we did not siiffer because 
of any lack of meat or bread, our men and their 

10 animals were unable to obtain a sufficient supply of 
drinking water, for, as I have said, the region is dry 
and without streams of water. Accordingly, it was 
necessary to bring water to camp in the skins of 
animals, from places four or five miles distant. 

IS Moreover, the machines were being prepared for 
the attack, rams,^ and hurling machines.^ Among 
other siege devices a wooden tower was constructed 
from small timbers, for we had a very small supply 
of wood. According to a command that was issued, 

20 the parts of this tower were carried by night to a 

^ The ram was a large beam or log, which was suspended by ropes 
or chains from solid perpendicular beams. When drawn back it was 
allowed to swing against the wall. It was necessary to cover the 
men who worked the ram with some kind of protection, as the de- 

2S fenders dropped stones from the top of the wall. By the use of the 
ram the wall was shaken down or a hole was made through it. 

^ There were various kinds of engines for hurling stones or shooting 
javelins. Ropes or cords were so twisted that when suddenly 
released they hurled a stone or other missile. Other machines were 

30 like large crossbows, and shot javelins and stones. The petraria 
was a machine which hurled stones as missiles. The tormentum 
was an engine operated by the use of twisted cords, by torsion. 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History- 
corner of the city. In the morning it was very 
quickly set up and equipped with petrari^ and other 
machines, at a safe distance from the wall. When 
the tower had been put together and had been 

s covered with hides, it was moved nearer to the wall. 
Then knights, few in number, but brave, at the 
sound of the trumpet, took their places in the tower 
and] began to shoot stones and arrows. The Sara- 
cens defended themselves vigorously, and, with slings, 

10 very skilfully hurled back burning firebrands, which 
had been dipped in oil and fresh fat. Many on both 
sides, fighting in this manner, often found them- 
selves in the presence of death. 

On the other side of the city from Mount Zion, 

IS a great attack was also made on the city by Raymond 
and his men, where machinery was likewise used. 
However, on the side where duke Godfrey, Robert, 
count of Normandy, and Robert of Flanders were 
fighting, the battle was fiercest. Such was the work 

20 of that day. On the following day the work again 
began at the sound of the trumpet, and to such pur- 
pose that the rams, by continual pounding, made 
a hole through one part of the wall. The Saracens 
suspended two beams before the opening, supporting 

25 them by ropes, so that by piling stones behind them 
they would make an obstacle to the rams. However, 
what they did for their own protection became, 
through the providence of God, the cause of their 
own destruction. For, when the tower was moved 

112 



The Capture of Jerusalem in 1099 

nearer to the wall, the ropes that supported the beams 
were cut; from these same beams the Franks con- 
structed a bridge, which they cleverly extended from 
the tower to the wall. About this time one of the 
s towers in the stone wall began to burn, for the men 
who worked our machines had been hurling fire- 
brands upon it until the wooden beams within it 
caught fire. The flames and smoke soon became so 
bad that none of the defenders of this part of the 

10 wall were able to remain near this place. At the 
noon hour on Friday, with trumpets sounding, amid 
great commotion and shouting "God help us," the 
Franks entered the city. When the pagans saw one 
standard planted on the wall, they were completely 

IS demoralized, and all their former boldness vanished, 
and they turned to flee through the narrow streets 
of the city. Those who were already in rapid flight 
began to flee more rapidly. 

Count Raymond and his men, who were attacking 

20 the wall on the other side, did not yet know of all 
this, until they saw the Saracens leap from the wall 
in front of them. Forthwith, they joyfully rushed 
into the city to pursue and kill the nefarious enemies, 
as their comrades were already doing. Some Sara- 

25 cens, Arabs, and Ethiopians took refuge in the tower 
of David, others fled to the temples of the Lord and 
of Solomon. A great fight took place in the court 
and porch of the temples, where they were unable to 
escape from our gladiators. Many fled to the roof 

113 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

of the temple of Solomon, and were shot with arrows, 
so that they fell to the ground dead. In this temple 
almost ten thousand were killed. Indeed, if you 
had been there you would have seen our feet col- 

5 ored to our ankles with the blood of the slain. 

But what more shall I relate? None of them were 

left alive; neither women nor children were spared. 

This may seem strange to you. Our squires and 

poorer footmen discovered a trick of the Saracens, 

10 for they learned that they could find byzants ^ in 
the stomachs and intestines of the dead Saracens, 
who had swallowed them. Thus, after several days 
they burned a great heap of dead bodies, that they 
might more easily get the precious metal from the 

IS ashes. Moreover, Tancred broke into the temple of 
the Lord and most wrongfully stole much gold and 
silver, also precious stones, but later, repenting of 
his action, after everything had been accounted for, 
he restored all to its former place of sanctity. . . . 

20 The carnage over, the crusaders entered the houses 
and took whatever they found in them. However, 
this was all done in such a sensible manner that 
whoever entered a house first received no injury 
from any one else, whether he was rich or poor. 

2s Even though the house was a palace, whatever he 
found there was his property. Thus many poor 
men became rich. 

Afterward, all, clergy and laymen, went to the 

* The byzant, or bezant, was a gold coin of the Byzantine empire. 

114 



The Capture of Jerusalem in 1099 

Sepulcher of the Lord and His glorious temple, sing- 
ing the ninth chant. With fitting humility, they 
repeated prayers and made their offering at the holy 
places that they had long desired to visit. . . . 

s It was the eleven hundredth year of our Lord, if 
you subtract one, when the people of Gaul took the 
city. It was the 15th day of July when the Franks 
in their might captured the city. It was the eleven 
hundredth year minus one after the birth of our 

10 Lord, the 15th day of July in the two hundred and 
eighty -fifth year after the death of Charles the 
Great and the twelfth year after the death of William 
I. of England. 
3. The Historia Francorum qui Ceperunt Jerusalem 

IS (The History of the Franks who Captured Jeru- 

salem), by Raymond of Agiles, canon of Puy. 
The duke [Godfrey] and the count of Flanders be- 
sieged the city from the north side, while the count 
of Normandy stationed his men in the space between 

20 the church of St. Stephen, which is located at the 
center of the northern wall of the city, and the angu- 
lar tower, the one next to the tower of David. The 
count [Raymond] and his army prepared to besiege 
the city on the west, occupying the space between 

25 the duke and the foot of Mount Zion. However, 
because a ravine in the center of this space made it 
impossible to cross the plain and storm the wall, the 
count wished to move his camp and change his 
position. One day, while he was reconnoitering, he 
9 "5 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

came to Mount Zion and saw the church which is 
located on the mount. When he heard of the 
miracles that Christ had performed there he said to 
his leaders and companions, "If we neglect to take 

5 this sacred offering, which the Lord has so graciously 
offered us, and the Saracens occupy this hill, what 
will become of us? Suppose that on account of our 
negligence they should destroy and pollute this 
church? Who knows that God may not be giving us 

10 this opportunity to test our regard for Him? I know 
one thing that is certain : unless we carefully protect 
this sacred spot, the Lord will not give us possession 
of the Holy Places within the city." And so count 
Raymond, against the wishes of the leaders of his 

IS army, ordered his tents to be moved to Mount Zion. 
Because of his action he inctured the displeasure of 
the leaders, who refused to move their tents or to 
change their guards during the night; each stayed 
where he had first pitched his tent, with the excep- 

20 tion of a few who accompanied the count. How- 
ever, by offering great financial inducements, the 
count was able to persuade such knights and footmen 
as daily served under his command to follow him. 
This church is sacred because it contains the 

25 tombs of the kings David and Solomon as well as 
that of the first martyr, Stephen. Moreover, the 
most blessed virgin, Mary, visited this church during 
her lifetime ; the Lord supped there, and, after rising 
from the dead, appeared there to His disciples and 

ii6 



The Capture of Jerusalem in 1099 

Thomas. On this spot, also, the disciples were filled 
with the Holy Spirit.^ 

Now, when the arrangements for the siege had been 
completed, it happened one day that some of the 

5 leaders of the army met a hermit on the Mount 
of Olives, who said to them, "If you will storm the 
city to-morrow, till the ninth hour [3 p.m.], the Lord 
will deliver it into your hands." They replied, "But 
we do not have the necessary machinery for storming 

10 the walls." The hermit replied : "God is powerful. 
If He wills. He will scale the walls with ladders made 
of rushes. The Lord aids those who labor for the 
Truth." So, with such machinery as could be con- 
structed during the night, an attack was made on 

IS the city in the early morn, and it lasted till the third 
hour [9 A.M.]. The Saracens were compelled to 
retreat behind the inner walls, for the outer wall was 
broken down by our men, and some of them even 
climbed to the top of the inner wall. The city 

20 would undoubtedly have been captured at that time 
if the attack had not become confused and if our 
men had not become discouraged ; moreover, we lost 
many men. On the next day no attack was at- 
tempted. 

25 After this the whole army scattered itself through- 
out the surrounding country to collect provisions, 

1 The church of Zion, or St. Mary, was rebuilt afterward by the 
crusaders in 1130. The Coenaculum was supposed to be the room 
of the Last Supper. The tomb of David was also there. Raymond 
30 gives other reasons for the sanctity of this church. 

117 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

and nothing was even said of the necessity of pre- 
paring the machines that were needed to capture the 
city; each man was interested only in his mouth 
and stomach, and, what was worse, they did not even 

5 ask the Lord to free them from such great and mani- 
fold evils, and they were afflicted even unto death. 
Just before our arrival the Saracens had filled up 
the springs, destroyed the cisterns, and dammed up 
the brooks from the springs. . . . Thus water was 

10 obtained with great difficulty. There is a certain 
fountain at the foot of Mount Zion, which is called 
the Pool of Siloam ; indeed, it is a large spring, but 
the water flows forth only once in three days, and the 
natives say that formerly it emptied itself only on 

15 Saturdays ; the rest of the week it remained stagnant. 
We are ignorant of the explanation of this, except 
that the Lord willed that it should be so.^ However, 
when, as we have said, the water did flow forth to 
us on the third day, there was such great crowding 

20 and haste to drink, that both men and cattle rushed 
toward the water and many of our animals were 
killed. Thus the pool was filled with the crowd and 
with the bodies of the dead animals. The bravest, 
fighting in a struggle of death, forced their way to 

25 the very opening in the rocks through which the 
water flowed, while the weak got only the water 
which had already been contaminated. Many sick 
people dragged themselves to the fountain and, with 

1 See note 3, p. 109, 
118 



The Capture of Jerusalem in 1099 

their throats so parched that they were unable to 
make a sound, they stretched their hands in mute 
appeal toward those who had water. In the field 
were many horses, mules, and cattle without strength 

5 enough to move, and because of thirst they died in 
their tracks. Throughout camp the stench of the 
dead bodies was most sickening. Because of such 
affliction it was necessary to fetch water a distance 
of two or three leagues, also to drive the cattle to 

10 such distant watering places. When the Saracens 
noted that our people were going to the watering 
places through the dangerous passes in the hills un- 
armed, they lay in wait for them in ambush. They 
killed whom they wished and drove away the flocks 

15 and herds. The situation was so bad that when any 
one brought foul water to camp in vessels he was 
able to get any price that he cared to ask, and if 
any one wished to get clear water, for five or six 
nummi^ he could not obtain enough to satisfy his 

20 thirst for a single day. Nothing, or very little, was 
said about wine at this time; people talked about 
the heat, the dust, and the wind, and in this way 
they aggravated their suffering from thirst, as though 
this was not bad enough in itself. But why say so 

2s much about these troubles? Few remembered the 
Lord, for they paid slight attention either to such 
works as were needed to capture the city or to win 
the Lord's favor. . . . 

^ The nummus was a Byzantine coin. 
119 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

Meanwhile, messengers came to camp, announcing 
that our ships had arrived at Joppa and that the 
sailors demanded that a guard should be sent to 
hold the tower of Joppa and give them protection 

5 at the port, for the town of Joppa had been de- 
stroyed except the castle, and that was nearly in 
ruins, with the exception of one tower. However, 
the harbor is there, and it is the one nearest to 
Jerusalem, being about one day's journey distant. 

10 All of our people rejoiced when they heard the news 
of our sailors, and they sent out count Galdemarus, 
called Carpinellus, accompanied by twenty knights 
and forty footmen. Later, he was followed by 
Raymond Piletus with fifty knights and William of 

15 Sabram with his followers. 

As Galdemarus and his contingent approached the 
plains that are on this side of Ramla, he encountered 
a force of four hundred Arabs and two hundred 
Turks. Galdemarus arranged his men for battle 

20 so as to use his small number to the best advantage, 
placing his archers in front. Then he boldly ad- 
vanced upon the enemy, trusting in the aid of the 
Lord. The enemy thought that they would be able 
to crush this band and rushed upon it, circling about 

25 them, shooting arrows at them. Three or four of 
Galdemarus's knights were killed, including Achar- 
dus of Montemerlus, a most honorable man; others 
were wounded ; all of this was done by the arrows of 
the enemy. However, many of the enemy were also 

I20 



The Capture of Jerusalem in 1099 

killed. Nevertheless, not on account of all this did 
the fight slacken, nor did our brave men despair of the 
mercy of God, but, oppressed by wounds and death 
itself, they stood up to their enemies the more 
s fiercely, the more that they suffered from them. 
But when our leaders, more from weariness than 
from fear, wished to retire from the fighting line, a 
cloud of dust was seen approaching. Raymond 
Piletus was rushing headlong into the fight with his 

10 men. Moreover, his men raised so much dust that 
to the enemy his force seemed much larger than it 
really was. Thus, by the grace of God, our men were 
released ; the enemy scattered and fled, two hundred 
of them were killed, and much plunder was taken. 

IS It is the custom of this people, when they flee and are 
hard pressed by the enemy, first to throw away their 
arms, then their clothes, and lastly their saddle bags. 
Thus it happened in this fight that our few knights 
killed until they were worn out, but were also able 

20 to obtain the spoil of all, even of those whom they 
did not kill. 

After the pursuit was over our men assembled, 
divided the spoil, and then marched on to Joppa. 
The sailors received them with great joy, and felt 

25 so secure after their arrival that they forgot their 
ships and neglected to place watches on the sea, but 
entertained the crusaders with a feast of bread, wine, 
and fish from their ships. However, the sailors, care- 
less of their security, failed to post lookouts for the 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

night, and in the darkness were suddenly surrounded 
by enemies from the sea. When dawn came they 
realized that the enemy was too strong to be resisted, 
and they abandoned their ships, saving whatever 

s they could. Thus our knights returned to Jerusalem 
after winning one battle and losing another. How- 
ever, one of our ships, which was heavily laden, when 
it was seen that the rest of the ships were surrounded 
by the enemy's fleet, by the use of oars and sail made 

10 its escape to Laodicsea and told our friends at that 
port what had been happening at Jerusalem. From 
signs, sent to us by the Lord, we knew that we had 
deserved this misfortune, for we had despaired of the 
mercy of God and had denied our faith. So we went 

15 to the plain of the river Jordan, collected palms, and 
were baptized in its waters. . . . 

About this time a public assembly was held, for 
the leaders of the army were quarreling with each 
other. There was dissatisfaction because Tancred 

20 had occupied Bethlehem and had placed his standard 
over the chiirch of the Nativity as though it was an 
ordinary house. (The question of electing a king of 
Jerusalem was also discussed, but the election was 
postponed till the eighth day after the city should be 

25 captured. This was the chief cause of trouble among 
the leaders.) Not in this matter alone, but in other 
ways, our affairs did not prosper, and the troubles 
of the people increased every day. Nevertheless, the 
merciful and propitious Lord, lest our enemies should 

122 



The Capture of Jerusalem in 1099 

insult His law and say "Where is their God?" had 
shown us through the bishop of Puy, the lord Adhe- 
mar, how we could placate His anger and obtain His 
mercy. ^ For the benign Lord had sent His mes- 
5 sengers to us, but because they were our brothers we 
had not heeded them. Therefore, the bishop [Adhe- 
mar] appeared before Peter Desiderius, saying : 
"Speak to the princes and all the people, and tell 
them you have come from distant lands to worship 

10 the Lord and you are His army. Therefore, let us 
be purged from oiu* uncleanliness, and let each one 
turn from his evil ways. Then praying and fasting, 
let every one march around Jerusalem barefooted. 
If you do this and then make a great attack on the 

IS city on the ninth day, it will be captured. If you 
do not, all the evils that you have suffered will be 
multiplied." When the priest had said this to Wil- 
liam Ugo, the brother of the bishop, to his lord, count 
Ysoardus, and to certain of the clergy, they assembled 

20 the princes and the people and addressed them: 
"Brothers, you know why we undertook this expe- 
dition, and what we have suffered, and that we are 
acting negligently, in that we are not constructing 
the machines that are needed to capture the city. 

2s Likewise we are not careful to reconcile the Lord to 

1 Until his death, August I, 1098, Adhemar, bishop of Puy, who 

was the representative of the pope and had supervision of the entire 

crusade, had been able to play the part of mediator. After he died 

there was no one to reconcile the two factions headed by Raymond 

30 of Toulouse and Bohemond. Hence this reference to Adhemar. 

123 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

us, for we offend Him in many ways and have driven 
Him from us. Now, if it seems right to you, let each 
one become reconciled to his brother, whom he has 
offended, and let brother graciously forgive brother. 

s After we have humbled ourselves before God in this 
manner, let us march around Jerusalem in bare feet, 
and, with the aid of the relics of the Saints, invoke 
the mercy of the Lord, that the omnipotent God, 
who for us, His servants, assumed the flesh, who 

10 humbly rode into the city on an ass, to suffer death 
on the cross for our sins, may come to our aid. If 
we make this procession around the walls, for the 
honor and glory of His name. He will open the city 
to us and give us judgment upon His enemies and 

IS ours, who now contaminate the place where He suf- 
fered and the Holy Sepulcher ; the enemy whom we, 
with the aid of divine humility and in order to obtain 
our own salvation, are trying to drive out." These 
words were pleasing to both princes and people, and 

20 it was publicly decided^ that on the next Friday the 
clergy should lead the procession with the crosses and 
the relics of the Saints, while the knights and all 
able-bodied men, with trumpets, standards, and 
arms, should follow them barefooted. All this we 

25 did according to the commands of God and the 
princes. When we reached that spot on the Mount 
of Olives, whence the Lord had ascended into Heaven 
after the Resurrection, the following exhortation was 
made to the people : ' ' Now that we are on the very 

124 



The Capture of Jerusalem in 1099 

spot from which the Lord made His ascension and we 
can do nothing more to purify ourselves, except that 
each one of us forgive his brother, whom he has 
injured, that the Lord may forgive us. " What more ? 
s All were reconciled to each other, and with generous 
offerings we besought the mercy of God, that He 
should not now desert His people, whom He had led 
to such a glorious and splended goal. Thus the 
mercy of God was obtained and everything that had 

10 been against us was now favorable. But although 
we avoided many troubles in this way, one we could 
not escape. While we marched around the city in 
procession the Saracens and Turks made the circuit 
on the walls, ridiculing us in many ways. They 

IS placed many crosses on the walls in yokes [the yoke 
was put on a criminal's neck as a sign of disgrace], 
and made sport of them with blows and insulting 
actions. We, in turn, hoped to obtain the aid of God 
in storming the city by means of these same signs 

20 [the crosses], and we pressed the work day and night. 

The duke of Normandy, the count of Flanders, and 

Gaston of Beert constructed machines, also mantlets.^ 



' These mantlets were used to shelter the men who were attacking. 
They were usually made of a wickerwork or basketwork of twigs and 

25 rods so as to be light enough to carry easily. They were generally 
covered with hides as a protection from the firebrands hurled down 
from the walls. Such shields could be held over the men who were 
working close to the wall, or could be used by men when making an 
assault. These mantlets seem to have been of great service to the 

30 crusaders at Jerusalem. 

125 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

The direction of this work was assigned to Gaston 
by the princes, because he was a most noble lord, 
respected because of his skill and reputation, and he 
very cleverly hastened matters, by dividing the work, 
s The princes busied themselves with obtaining and 
bringing in the material, while Gaston supervised the 
work of construction. 

Likewise count Raymond made William Richau 
superintendent of the work on Mount Zion, while the 
10 bishop of Albara brought in the timber with Saracens 
and others. The count's men seized many Saracen 
castles and villages and forced the Saracens to work 
as though they were slaves. Thus fifty or sixty car- 
ried on their shoulders a great beam for the construc- 
ts tion of machines at Jerusalem, that could not have 
been dragged by four pair of oxen. What more shall 
I say? All worked with a singleness of purpose, no 
one was slothful and no hands were idle. All worked 
without wages except the artisans, who were paid 
20 from a collection taken from the people. However, 
the count [Raymond] paid his workmen from his 
own resources. Surely the hand of the Lord was 
with us and aided those who were working. When 
our efforts were ended and the machines completed, 
2S the princes held a council and announced: "Let all 
prepare themselves for a battle on Thursday ; in the 
mean time, pray, fast, and give alms. Hand over 
your animals and servants to the artisans and car- 
penters, that they may bring in beams, poles, stakes, 

126 



The Capture of Jerusalem in 1099 

and branches to make mantlets. Every two knights 
shoidd make one mantlet and one scaling ladder. 
Do not hesitate to work for the Lord, for our labors 
will soon be ended." 

s This proclamation was accepted by all. Then it 
was decided what part of the city each leader should 
attack and where his machines should be located. 
Meanwhile the Saracens in the city, noting the great 
number of machines that we had constructed, 

10 strengthened the weaker parts of the wall, so that it 
seemed that they could only be taken by the most 
desperate efforts. Because the Saracens had made 
so many and such strong fortifications to oppose our 
machines, the duke, the count of Flanders, and the 

IS count of Normandy spent the night before the day 
set for the attack, moving their machines, mantlets, 
and platforms to that side of the city which is between 
the church of St. Stephen and the valley of Jehosa- 
phat. You who read this must not think that this 

20 was a light undertaking, for the machines were 
carried in parts, almost a mile to the place where they 
were to be set up. When morning came and the 
Saracens saw that all the machinery and tents had 
been moved during the night, they were amazed. 

25 Not only the Saracens were astonished, but our 
people as well, for they recognized that the hand of 
the Lord was with us. The change was made be- 
cause the new point chosen for attack is more level, 
and thus suitable for moving the machines up to the 

127 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

walls, which cannot be done unless the ground is 
level, and thus it happened that the part of the city 
that seemed the weakest was not attacked because 
it was impossible to move the machines close to the 

5 walls. This part of the city is on the north. 

The count [Raymond] and his men worked equally 
hard on Mount Zion, but they had much assistance 
from William Ebriacus and the Genoese sailors, who, 
although they had lost their ships at Joppa, as we 

10 have already related, had nevertheless been able to 
save ropes, mallets, spikes, axes, and hatchets, which 
were very necessary to us. But why delay the story ? 
The appointed day arrived and the attack began. 
However, I want to say this first, that, according to 

IS our estimate and that of many others, there were 
sixty thousand fighting men within the city, not 
counting the women and those unable to bear arms, 
and there were not many of these. At the most 
we did not have more than twelve thousand able to 

20 bear arms, for there were many poor people and many 
sick. There were two or three hundred knights in our 
army as I reckon it, not more. I say this, that you 
may realize that nothing, whether great or small, 
which is undertaken in the name of the Lord can fail, 

2s as the following pages show. 

Our men began to undermine the towers and walls. 
From every side stones were hurled from the tor- 
menti ^ and the petrariae and so many arrows that 

* See note 2, p. iii. 
128 



The Capture of Jerusalem in 1099 

they fell like hail. The servants of God were sus- 
tained by the premises of their faith for any result, 
whether they should be killed or would presently 
prevail over their enemies. The battle showed no 
5 indication of victory, but when the machines were 
drawn nearer to the walls they hurled not only 
stones and arrows, but also burning wood and 
straw. The wood was dipped in pitch, wax, and 
sulphur, then straw and tow were fastened on by an 

10 iron band, and when lighted, these firebrands were 
shot from the machines. All bound together by an 
iron band, I say, so that, wherever they fell, the 
whole mass held together and continued to burn. 
Such missiles, burning as they shot upward, could 

IS not be resisted by swords or by high walls; it was 
not even possible for the defenders to find safety 
down behind the walls. Thus the fight continued 
from the rising to the setting sun in such splendid 
fashion that it is difficult to believe that anything 

20 more glorious was ever done. Then we called on 
the Almighty God, our leader and guide, confident 
in His mercy. Night brought fear to both sides. 
The Saracens feared that we would take the city 
during the night or on the next day, for the outer 

25 works were broken through and the ditch was filled, 
so that it was possible to make an entrance through 
the wall very quickly. On our part, we feared only 
that the Saracens would set fire to the machines 
that were moved close to the walls, and thus improve 

129 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

their situation. Thus on both sides it was a night 
of watchfulness, labor, and sleepless caution. On 
one side, most certain hope; on the other, doubtful 
fear. We gladly labored to capture the city for the 

s glory of God ; they less willingly strove to resist our 
efforts for the sake of the laws of Mohammed. It is 
difficult to believe how great were the efforts made 
on both sides during the night. 

When the morning came, our men eagerly rushed 

10 to the walls and dragged the machines forward, but 
the Saracens had constructed so many machines; 
that for each one of ours they now had nine or ten. 
Thus they greatly interfered with our efforts. This 
was the ninth day, on which the priest had said that 

IS we would capture the city [Peter Desiderius. See his 
prophesy, p. 123]. But what checked the fulfil- 
ment of the prophesy? Our machines were now 
shaken apart by the blows of many stones, and our 
men lagged because they were very weary. How- 

20 ever, the mercy of the Lord remained, which is never 
overcome nor conquered, but always a source of 
support in times of adversity. One incident must 
not be omitted. Two women tried to bewitch one 
of the hurling machines, but a stone struck and 

25 crushed them as well as three slaves, so that their 
lives were extinguished and the evil incantations 
were averted. 

By noon our men were greatly discouraged. 
They were weary and at the end of their resources. 

130 



The Capture of Jerusalem in 1099 

There were many enemies resisting each one of 
ours; the walls were very high and strong, and the 
great resources and skill that the enemy exhibited 
in repairing their defenses seemed too great for us 

5 to overcome. But, while we hesitated, irresolute, 
and the enemy exulted in our discomfiture, the heal- 
ing mercy of God inspired us and turned our sorrow 
into joy, for the Lord did not forsake us. While a 
council was being held to decide whether or not 

10 our machines should be withdrawn, for some were 
burned and the rest badly shaken to pieces, a knight 
on the Mount of Olives began to wave his shield to 
those who were with the count and others, signaling 
them to advance. Who this knight was we have 

IS been unable to find out.^ At this signal our men 
again began to take heart, and some began to batter 
the wall, while others began to ascend by means of 
scaling ladders and ropes. Our archers shot burn- 
ing firebrands, and in this way checked the attack 

20 that the Saracens were making upon the wooden 
towers of the duke and the two counts. These fire- 
brands, moreover, were wrapped in cotton. This 
shower of fire drove the defenders from the walls. 
Then the duke quickly released the long drawbridge 

25 which had protected the side of the wooden tower 
next to the wall, and it swung down from the top, 
being fastened to the middle of the tower, making 

^ Note Raymond's desire to have his readers beUeve that this may 
have been a miracle. 

10 131 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

a bridge, over which the men began to enter Jeru- 
salem, bravely and fearlessly. Among those who 
entered first were Tancred and the duke of Lothar- 
ingia [Godfrey], and the amount of blood that they 

5 shed on that day is incredible. All ascended after 
them, and the Saracens now began to siiffer. 

Strange to relate, however, at this very time when 
the city was practically captured by the Franks, 
the Saracens were still fighting on the other side, 

10 where the count was attacking the wall, as though it 
should never be captured. But now that our men 
had possession of the walls and towers, wonderful 
sights were to be seen. Some of our men (and this 
was more merciful) cut off the heads of their ene- 

15 mies ; others shot them with arrows, so that they fell 
from the tow^ers; others tortured them longer by 
casting them into the flames. Piles of heads, hands, 
and feet were to be seen in the streets of the city. 
It was necessary to pick one's way over the bodies 

20 of men and horses. But these were small matters 
compared to what happened at the temple of Solo- 
mon, a place w^here religious services are ordinarily 
chanted. What happened there ? If I tell the truth, 
it will exceed your powers of belief. So let it suf- 

25 fice to say this much at least, that in the temple and 
portico of Solomon, men rode in blood up to their 
knees and the bridle reins. Indeed, it was a just and 
splendid judgment of God, that this place should be 
filled with the blood of the unbelievers, when it had 

132 



The Capture of Jerusalem in 1099 

suffered so long from their blasphemies. The city was 
filled with corpses and blood. Some of the enemy 
took refuge in the tower of David and petitioned 
count Raymond for protection, and surrendered the 

5 tower into his hands. 

Now that the city was taken it was worth all our 
previous labors and hardships to see the devotion 
of the pilgrims at the Holy Sepulcher. How they 
rejoiced and exulted and sang the ninth chant to the 

10 Lord. It was the ninth day, the ninth joy and 
exultation, and of perpetual happiness. The ninth 
sermon, the ninth chant was demanded by all. 
This day, I say, will be famous in all future ages, 
for it turned our labors and sorrows into joy and 

IS exultation; this day, I say, marks the justification 
of all Christianity and the humiliation of paganism; 
our faith was renewed. "The Lord made this day, 
and we rejoiced and exulted in it," for on this day 
the Lord revealed Himself to His people and blessed 

20 them. On this day the lord Adhemar, bishop of 
Puy,^ was seen in the city by many people. Many 
also testified that he was the first to scale the wall, 
and that he summoned the knights and people to 
follow him. . . . This day was the 15th of July. 

^ See note, p. 123. 



PROBLEM IV 

IV. — The Departure of the University from Paris 
1229-1231 



The Departure of the University from Paris 

I. THE HISTORICAL SETTING OF THE PROBLEM^ 

THE universities were a direct outgrowth of the 
quickened intellectual activity that was a prominent 
characteristic of the general progress of the twelfth 
century. The only existing institutions of learning were 
the monastic and cathedral schools, which lacked the 
facilities needed to meet the new situation. The ad- 
ministrative organization that they possessed was capable 
of Httle more than a general supervision of the crowds 
of students that thronged to them as the only available 
educational centers. Before a permanent imiversity 
could arise some new form of organization had to be 
worked out that could insure continuity as well as more 
solidarity and give cohesion to these large groups of 
students and teachers. Such a development was started 
at Paris during the last part of the twelfth century. 

Famous teachers had made Paris a leading educational 
center. During the early part of the century the students 
had divided their allegiance between the monastic schools 
of St. Victor's or St. Genevieve and the cathedral school 
of Notre Dame, but by the last of the century the latter 
was left in control of the educational situation. However, 

^ For an account of the "dispersion" of 1229, or a general dis- 
cussion of the University of Paris, see Vol. I of Rashdall, Univer- 
sities in the Middle Ages, Oxford, 1895, 3 volumes. 

137 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

the increasing numbers of students and teachers made 
regulation difficult for the authorities of the old school, who 
foimd themselves unable to do more than maintain some 
pretense of general oversight. 

In the monasteries or the cathedrals teaching was 
placed in charge of a scholasticus or chancellor, who had 
the right to grant the license or permit to teach. As the 
number of teachers increased the masters began to de- 
mand some control over the admission of new men to 
their profession. The chancellor, who was not in sym- 
pathy with the teachers, showed favoritism or laxity, even 
conferring the Hcense upon candidates whose chief quali- 
fication was a material bribe, while worthy men, having 
the support of the masters under whom they had studied, 
might be refused. In self defense the teachers began 
to unite in an association or guild which was soon able 
to get a certain measure of control over this situation. 
The yoimg candidate for the license was forced to realize 
that his futiure depended more on compliance with the 
wishes of the masters than those of the chancellor. Thus 
a long struggle began between the chancellor, who was the 
survival of the old cathedral school, and the new associa- 
tion of masters. In this contest the masters perfected 
their organization and increased the authority and power 
of their association. 

The chancellor and the bishop strove to suppress what 
was in reality a new school, which was fast becoming 
independent of the loose control of the old cathedral 
authority. It was a natural growth that could not be 
checked. In spite of his efforts to maintain his authority, 
the chancellor saw the different faculties of theology, canon 
law, medicine, and arts organize separately, but with 
arrangements for united action. This division was ac- 
cording to the educational ideas of the age, which re- 

138 



The Departure of the University from Paris 

garded the arts course as preparatory to work in the 
three higher fields of knowledge. 

As the arts had the greatest number of students, its 
faculty took a leading part in the struggle of the uni- 
versity for recognition. The students of Paris came from 
all parts of Europe, and quite naturally grouped themselves 
by racial alignment. Thus sometime in the early thir- 
teenth century the faculty of arts separated into four 
divisions called nations — the French, the English, the Nor- 
man, and the Picard. Each of these nations chose a pro- 
curator as its head. An official called the rector was 
chosen as chief administrative officer for the whole col- 
lege of arts. Just how far the organization into nations 
had progressed in 1229 it is impossible to say. There is 
no evidence to indicate the existence of a rector imtil 
somewhat later in the century. 

As this association of masters began to realize its 
power it began to use the turbxilent student body that it 
taught to aid in its fight for privileges and recognition. 
When any of the rights that it claimed were violated it 
literally went on a strike and suspended all teaching. 
Thus in 1 200, as the result of a "town and gown " riot, the 
provost of the city of Paris made a raid on the student 
quarter by way of retaliation, killing several students. 
The masters used this situation to extort privileges from 
the Idng, Philip Augustus, who feared that the university 
would leave the city. The association of teachers began 
to formulate customs to regulate its own internal affairs, 
and its first written statutes probably date from 1210. 
The bishop and the chancellor tried to take this power 
away from the association. On one occasion the whole 
university was excommunicated, and all its regulations 
were declared to be illegal unless they had been sanctioned 
by the cathedral authorities. This was in vain, for even 

139 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

earlier, in 121 5, the papal legate had drawn up a set of 
statutes by which the university was given the right to 
make statutes for the regulation of its own affairs and to 
require an oath of obedience from its members, thereby 
gaining an important concession in its fight for inde- 
pendence. 

The new association of masters thus found a valuable 
ally in the papacy. Some time between 1210 and 1216 
Innocent III. had granted the association the right to 
choose a procurator to represent it at the papal court. 
His legate had embodied the privileges granted in various 
bulls in the statutes of 1215. The judicial powers of the 
chancellor over students were restricted, and in the 
matter of the license he was forbidden to exact oaths for 
the purpose of binding the candidates to himself. He 
was commanded to grant the license to such candidates 
as were presented by a majority of the masters in the 
higher faculties or by six masters of arts, three of whom 
were chosen by the faculty of arts. 

Armed with privileges from kings and popes, the asso- 
ciation was already a formidable institution in 1229. So 
great was the reputation of the imiversity in western 
Europe that a threat of removal was a serious matter 
indeed. What made the riot of 1229 grow to such serious 
proportions was the hostility of the bishop and the papal 
legate, who were anxious to curb this refractory association 
that was becoming entirely too independent of all control. 
Thus they prejudiced the queen against the masters. 
Whether they thought that the university would not 
carry out its threat to leave Paris or whether they failed 
to realize the indignation that such removal would rouse, 
they were soon confronted by a storm of protest that even 
royalty was unable to resist. Agents of the university were 
active at Rome, and the pope made vigorous efforts to 

140 



The Departure of the University from Paris 

adjust the trouble. Mere settlement of the original matter 
of dispute no longer satisfied the masters after they had 
withdrawn from Paris, and they insisted on new conces- 
sions. When the imi versify returned, therefore, it had 
won a great victory, for the privileges that it had obtained 
from pope and royalty placed it in a new position that 
insured its independent development in the future. 

II. THE AUTHORS OF THE ACCOUNTS 

1. Mathew of Paris, author of the Chronica Majora, 
which contains the longest narrative account of the dis- 
persion of 1229, was an Englishman by birth and senti- 
ment. He was well informed, and also shows considerable 
independence of judgment in his writing. From 11 89 to 
1235 his Chronica Majora was copied from another 
chronicle, but the accoimt of the dispersion of the Uni- 
versity of Paris was an addition that is probably his own 
work. His surname, Paris, indicates some French con- 
nection, as does his knowledge of French places and the 
French language. It is possible that he may have studied 
at Paris, although there is no positive evidence of this fact. 
He shows much interest in the affairs of the imi versify, 
and also because of a somewhat unfavorable attitude 

' toward the French monarchy it must be remembered that 
his account is favorable to the imiversity. 

2. William of Nangis was a monk at the monastery of 
St. Denis in the latter part of the thirteenth century. 
The Gesta Ludovici (the Deeds of Louis) was written in the 
reign of Philip HI., and was presented to the king by the 
author. William used other authors with great freedom, 
and his work is little more than a compilation. For the 
period between 1226 and 1248 he probably used the ac- 
count of an author whose work is now lost, but we cannot 

141 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

be sure how accurately he copied. His account should 
therefore be used with great caution. It is interesting 
more because of his attitude toward the event than for 
its reHability. 

The other narrative accounts are very brief notices, but 
occasionally add new details, especially in regard to the 
places to which students and masters migrated. As these 
notices are inserted in chronicles along with other very 
different kinds of information, it is impossible to teU where 
or how the authors obtained their information about the 
dispersion of 1229. 

3. Alberic of Tres Fontes, a Cistercian monk of Cham- 
pagne, wrote from i227toi25i. His Chronica is therefore 
contemporary for the thirteenth century. His work was 
the product of immense reading, and is of considerable 
merit and value. 

4. Ralph of Coggeshall was also a contemporary. He 
was a Cistercian monk, but Httle more is known about 
him. The Chronicon Anglicanum {English Chronicle) con- 
tains one or two interesting details regarding the dispersion. 

5. The Annales of the English monastery of Dunstable 
extend from the year i to 1297. From 1201 it contains 
much useful information not found elsewhere. 

6. The Annales Stadenses, by Albert of Stade, who lived 
from about 1200 to 1261, was begun in the year 1240. 
Thus his work is nearly contemporary, and it is probable 
that he had accurate information about the imiversity. 

7. The Chronicon Fiscamense (the Chronicle of Fecamp) 
is thought to have been written at Fecamp, although even 
this fact is not certain. It extends to 1253. 

8. The Mare Historiarum was probably written by a 
John of Columna, who wrote about the middle of the 
thirteenth century. 

The other extracts are of a different character from the 

142 



The Departure of the University from Paris 

narrative accounts of the annals or chronicles. Thus in 
the charter granted by the French king we have a legal 
document from the royal chancellery drawn up in the 
regular form that was customary for such documents. 
Fixed rules were followed and the same forms observed, just 
as is true in the case of legal documents to-day. The same 
regularity of form was true of the papal letters, although 
the forms and style were different from the royal charter. 
It must be remembered that such documents contain far 
more accurate and reliable information than can be foimd 
in the chronicles. 

Gregory IX. became pope March 19, 1227. He was 
probably a nephew of Innocent III. and, what is more 
important, studied at Paris and Bologna, so that he was 
familiar with the imiversity and realized its importance. 
At the time of the trouble at Paris, Gregory was engaged 
in a struggle with Frederick II., whom he had excommuni- 
cated in 1227. On June i , 1 23 1 , the pope was driven from 
the city of Rome by an uprising of the citizens. That the 
pope was able to give so much attention to the affairs of 
the university while he was engaged in such a struggle in 
Italy is a further indication of the importance he attached 
to the preservation of the university. 

The original charter granted by Philip Augustus in 1 200 
and the statutes of Gregory for the university in 1 23 1 have 
been translated by D. C. Munro, and may be found in the 
Pennsylvania Translations and Reprints, Volume II, No. 3. 

in. QUESTIONS FOR STUDY 

1. What was the immediate cause of the dispersion? 

2 . What other grievances did the university have, as shown by 

the letters of the pope? 

3. What privileges had the masters and students obtained from 

the kings of France? 

143 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

4. Where did the students go after they left Paris? 

5. What weapons did the university use to defend itself and 

to gain new privileges? 

6. What concessions did the university obtain in regard to the 

granting of the Ucense? 

7. What special privileges did the masters and students obtain 

in regard to trial and arrest? 

8. Do the letters written by the pope in 1229 indicate that he 

had intentions of issuing a charter of liberties at that 
time? 

9. What was the oath referred to by the pope in his letter of 

November 24, 1229? 

10. What prohibitions were placed on the masters and students 

by the pope? 

11. What means did the pope use to bring about a settlement 

of the trouble? 

12. What can you say of the reputation of the university in 

western Europe? 

13. What indications of an association of masters can you find 

in the translations? How would you describe the or- 
ganization that existed at this time? 

14. What specific guarantees did the university obtain that de- 

fined its relationship to the chancellor? 

15. For what was the university really fighting? 



IV. The Sources 

I. Mathew of Paris, Chronica Majora. 

In the same year [1229] on the second and third 
days before Cineres [Ash Wednesday], days on which 
the clerks ^ were accustomed to take a vacation, 
certain clerks went out from Paris to St. Marcel,^ 

s where there was fresh air and they could indulge in 
their usual sports. When they had enjoyed such 
recreation for some time, by chance they found there 
in a certain tavern good wine which was pleasant to 
drink. While there a quarrel arose between the 

10 drunken clerks and the inn keeper over the price of 
the wine and they began to give each other blows 
and to pull hair. Some of the men of the village 
rushed in to liberate the inn keepers, and, although 
the clerks fought back, they were compelled to flee, 

15 roundly beaten. Bruised and battered, they re- 
turned to the city, where they stirred up their com- 
panions to help them get revenge, and with their 
assistance on the next day they returned to St. 

^ The masters and students were regarded as clerks, and thus 
20 were entitled to the immunities and privileges of ecclesiastics. 
^ A suburb of Paris. 

145 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

Marcel armed with swords and clubs. They vio- 
lently entered the tavern, broke all the wine jars, and 
poured the wine on the floor. After this they went 
out on the streets and assaulted every one whom 
s they met, whether man or woman, leaving them half 
dead from their blows. 

The prior of St. Marcel, when he learned of the 
wrong that had been inflicted on his people, whom 
it was his duty to protect, went in person to the 

10 bishop of Paris and the Roman legate and registered 
a complaint. They in turn hastened to the queen, 
who was then in charge of the government, and 
asked her to punish such misdemeanors. With the 
impulsiveness of a woman and the haste of an 

15 agitated mind, she ordered the provost and the mer- 
cenary guard to arm quickly, go out from the city, 
and punish the perpetrators of this outrage, sparing 
none. These men, who were ready to carry out any- 
thing brutal, left the gates of the city armed, and 

20 found a large number of clerks engaged in sports 
outside the walls, but who had not been at all 
guilty of the above mentioned offense, for those who 
had started the trouble were from that region near 
Flanders which is commonly called Picardy. Not- 

25 withstanding this, the guards rushed upon the un- 
armed and innocent clerks without mercy, killing 
some, wounding others, and injuring others with 
blows. Some escaped by flight and concealed them- 
selves in ditches or other hiding places. Among the 

146 



The Departure of the University from Paris 

wounded, two clerks who were rich and prominent 
were found dead; one of them was a Fleming and 
the other belonged to the Norman people. 
When the news of this violence reached the ears 
s of the masters of the university, after first suspending 
all readings and disputations, they all went to the 
queen and legate and demanded that justice should 
be done immediately. It seemed unreasonable to 
them that for such small provocation — namely, the 

10 misdeeds of a few contemptible clerks — that the 
whole of them should suffer injury, for punishment 
ought rather to be administered to the person who 
had committed the offense. However, as justice 
was entirely denied them by the queen, the legate,^ 

IS and the bishop of the city, there was a general mi- 
gration of masters and students from the city. The 
teaching of the masters and the instruction of the 
students ceased, so that not one famous person of 
them all was left in the city. The city was deprived 

20 of its clerks, in whom it had been accustomed to 
glory. Among the famous Englishmen who left at 
this time were Master Alan of Beccles, Master 
Nicholas of Famham, Master John Blund, Master 
Ralph of Maidenstone, Master William of Durham, 

25 and many others whom it would take too long to 
name. The departing clerks scattered themselves 

' Cardinal Romain of St. Angelo was the papal legate at the 
time. In 1225 he had broken the university seal, and a mob of 
students and masters had attacked his house. 

11 147 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

generally among the great cities of different countries, 
A great number of them, however, chose the metro- 
politan city of Angers for general instruction. . . . 
A certain clerk wrote an apostrophe — that is, as 

5 though a person were speaking — ^in which the city 
of Paris complains to the clerks. 

"O clerks, I tremble with fear because you wish to 
scorn me. 

"I am shaken with weeping; I mourn my loss; you 

10 flee from me." 

Nevertheless, it was arranged through the agency 
of discrete persons that restitution should be made 
by both sides for their offenses, so that the clerks 
should have peace and the citizens were promised 

IS that the clerks would reform their ways and the 
whole of the students was recalled. 
2. The Gesta Ludovici (the Deeds of Louis), by 
William of Nangis. 
In the same year [1230] a great commotion arose 

20 at Paris, between the clerks and the citizens. The 
citizens killed some of the students, and on that 
account the clerks left Paris and scattered them- 
selves among the different provinces of the world. 
When the king saw that the study of letters and 

25 philosophy would depart from Paris, those studies 
by which the treasures of knowledge are acquired, 
which precede and surpass all other treasures, and 
which had first come from Athens to Rome, and 
from Rome into France along with the glory of 

148 



The Departure of the University from Paris 

chivalry, he began to be troubled. Fearing that 
such great and rich treasures would leave his king- 
dom, and as the riches of divine salvation are wisdom 
and knowledge, lest at some time God should say 
5 to him, "Because you have rejected knowledge I 
will reject you," the pious king commanded the 
clerks to return to Paris ; and when they obeyed, he 
received them graciously, and quickly made the 
townsmen make reparation for everything that they 

10 had done to the clerks before. For if that most 
precious treasure, the knowledge of salvation, which 
formerly followed Dionysius the Areopagite^ from 
Greece to Paris and the Gallic regions, along with 
faith and the renown of Chivalry, should be taken 

IS away from the kingdom of France, surely the banner 
of the king of France, decorated with the lily and on 
which the flower is painted with three leaves, would 
be disfigured in one of its parts. 
3. Chronica of Alberic of Tres Pontes. 

20 A most cruel and unfortunate struggle broke out 
at Paris at the beginning of Quadragesima, between 
the clerks and laymen over a matter of small im- 
portance. Those who tried to check it aroused by 
their actions the bitter hatred of the clerks, and the 

25 queen and lord cardinal himself were blamed. 
However, as many as were seized were pimished. 

1 St. Denis was the first bishop of Paris and the patron saint of 
France. In popular legend he was identified with Dionysius the 
Areopagite, mentioned in Acts xvii, 34. 

149 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

After much negotiation, as they were not able to 
arrange matters with complete satisfaction, only a 
few remained in the city, for all the others, including 
the most famous masters, departed. Many returned 
s to their homes, while some died on the journey to 
Rome. Nevertheless, at the end of three years all 
the difficulties were settled, and those who wished 
to do so returned to Paris. 

4. The Chronicon Anglicanum (the English Chron- 
10 icle), by Ralph of Coggeshall. 

At Paris a great discord arose between the citizens 
and the students of the city, and a great many noble 
clerks as well as poor clerks were killed, while nearly 
twenty were thrown into the Seine. Certain of the 

IS masters went to the lord pope, complaining of such 
persecution, while others with their students mi- 
grated to other cities. The city was prohibited to 
students, and was emptied of both students and 
teachers, although up to this time it was more 

20 famous and distinguished than all other cities, be- 
cause of the excellent teachers in the different 
schools. 

5. The Annales of Dunstable. 

In the same year the whole body of the masters 
25 and students of Paris was moved to the city of Angers. 
Only a few teachers remained at Paris, and these 
were notable neither in number nor reputation. 

6. The Annales Stadenses (the Annals of Stade). 

A great uprising occurred at Paris between the 
150 



The Departure of the University from Paris 

clerks and the people, and many clerks were killed. 
On this account the University was removed to 
Angers. 

7. The Chronic on Fiscamense (the Chronicle oj 
s Fecamp) . 

A discord arose between the queen and the clerks 
of Paris, and many were drowned in the Seine. 

8. The Mare Historiarum. 

In the above mentioned year [1230] a riot broke 
10 out between the students and citizens of Paris, 
and proceeded in such a way that for a time the 
university and that wonderful multitude, which 
had gathered from every region under heaven, de- 
parted. Some of them went to Rheims, some to 
IS Angers, some to Orleans, some to England, and others 
into Lombardy to Bologna. 

9. Order of the Provisors, closing the University 

(March 27, 1229). 
In the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, 
20 we, the appointed provisors of the whole body, by 
common consent and agreement do order and com- 
mand that, unless satisfactory reparation is made to 
the whole body of masters and students for the 
atrocious injuries suffered by them from the Provost 
2s of Paris, his accomplices and certain others, within 
one month after Easter day, no one shall be per- 
mitted to remain in the city or diocese of Paris to 
study, either for the purpose of teaching or being 
taught. For a period of six years, beginning at the 

151 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History- 
end of the aforesaid month, no one shall teach either 
publicly or privately. Nor shall any one be per- 
mitted to return at the end of the six years unless 
satisfactory reparation is made for the aforesaid in- 
5 juries. And to make this binding, we jointly attach 
to this charter our seals. 

Dated the twelve hundred and twenty-eighth year 
of our Lord, in the month of March, on the day after 
the Annunciation of the Lord. 
10 lo. Letter of Henry III. of England to the Masters 
and Students of Paris (July i6, 1229). 
The king, to the Masters and the Body of Students 
at Paris, Greeting. 
We piously hope for the betterment of your con- 
is dition and that it will be changed to one of deserved 
freedom, for you have suffered with fitting humility 
the trials and tribulations that you have been forced 
to endure under the iniquitous law of Paris, and 
through it all you have shown due reverence to God 
30 and the Holy Church. Hence, we announce to the 
whole of you that if it should please you to transfer 
yourselves to our kingdom of England and remain in 
it for the purpose of study that we will assign to you 
whatever boroughs, cities, or villages that you may 
25 select. Further, we will see to it that you shall enjoy 
every possible liberty and assurance of peace that is 
pleasing to God and would completely satisfy you. 

Witnessed by the king at Reading, the sixteenth 
day of July. 

152 



The Departure of the University from Paris 

II. Confirmation of the Privilege Issued by Philip 

Augustus in 1200^ by Louis IX. (August, 1229; 

Fontainebleau). 

In the name of the holy and undivided Trinity, 

s Amen. Louis, by the grace of God, King of the 

Franks. Be it known to all persons, present and 

future, that we have found the charter granted by 

our famous grandfather, Philip, formerly illustrious 

king of the Franks, and it reads as follows : 

10 "In the name of the holy and undivided Trinity, 
Amen. Philip, by the grace of God, King of the 
Franks. Be it known to all persons, present and 
future, that, because of that disgraceful riot in which 
five of the clerks and laymen of Paris were killed by 

IS certain malefactors, we will give justice as follows : 
Concerning that Th. [omas], who was provost at the 
time and concerning whom above all others the 
clerks have made complaint, we promise to keep 
him in chains forever because he denies the deed, 

20 and he shall remain a prisoner in the citadel on poor 
food as long as he lives, unless he shall decide to 
take the ordeal of water publicly in Paris. If he 
fails in this he will be condemned; if he proves his 
innocence he will never again be our provost or our 

25 bailiff either in Paris or elsewhere in our land as long 
as we are able to prevent it in justice, and, further- 
more, he will never be allowed to enter the city of 

* This was the Charter of Liberties issued by Philip Augustus in 
1200. 

153 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

Paris. If by good and legal inquest, which we have 
committed to two of our faithful subjects, G. [alterusl 
the Chancellor and Ph. [illip] of Levis, which shall be 
conducted without consideration of persons and un- 
5 der oath in the faith by which they are Christians 
and that which they owe to us, their liege lord, also 
imder oath which they shall make to us concerning 
our honor and counsel, we can discover what we are 
able and ought to do, that we will do without delay, 

10 saving the honor of God and of ourselves. Con- 
cerning the others who are in prison for the same 
offense, we will do this, to wit : we will keep them in 
perpetual confinement unless they purge themselves 
by the ordeal of water, with God as vidtness. If they 

IS fail in this we T^dll consider them condemned, unless 
any of them shall be freed from prison by us because 
of a good inquest by the students. Concerning 
those who have fled, we hold them condemned by 
reason of their flight, and we will have all the prov- 

20 osts in our land swear that they will seek them 
diligently, and if they are able to seize any one of 
them they shall arrest him and send him to us at 
Paris. 

"Moreover, concerning the security of the scholarly 

25 clerks of Paris, with the counsel of our men we have 
ordained as follows for the future : that we will make 
all citizens of Paris swear that if any one shall witness 
an injury done to a student by a layman, he shall 
give truthful testimony concerning the affair, neither 

154 



The Departure of the University from Paris 

shall any one go away so that he may not see. And 
if it should happen that any one should witness an 
injury done to a student by a layman and if the 
student is struck by arms, or a club, or a stone, all 
s laymen who witness the act in good faith shall seize 
that malefactor or malefactors and hand him over 
to our justice, nor shall they run away so that they 
will not be able to make seizure or to give truthful 
testimony. Moreover, whether the malefactor shall 

10 be arrested for this offense or not, we will make legal 
inquest, either by clerks or laymen or any persons 
whatsoever, and our provost and justices shall do the 
same. If we are able to discover by legal inquest, 
or our justices are able to discover that the accused 

15 committed that offense, we will immediately give 
justice, or our justice will do the same, according to 
the nature of the offense, even though the malefactor 
should deny the offense or say that he is prepared 
to defend himself by single combat or to prove his 

20 innocence by the ordeal of water. 

"Moreover, henceforth our provost or our justices 
shall not be permitted to lay hands on a student 
or to put him in our prison unless it is clear that 
the offense of the student is one for which he 

25 ought to be arrested, and then our justice will 
arrest liim on the spot without any violence, unless 
he should resist, and hand him over to ecclesiastical 
justices, who ought to keep him in custody both 
for our satisfaction and that of the person injured. 

155 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

If the offense shoiild appear serious our justice 
shall be sent, so that he may find out what 
should be done with the student. If, however, the 
student arrested should not resist and should confess 
s the offense, according to the findings of the inquest 
mentioned above and the aforesaid oath, we will 
administer suitable punishment. Furthermore, our 
justice shall not seize the chief of the students of 
Paris for any offense, but if it is evident that they 

10 should be seized it should be done according to 
ecclesiastical justice, so that they shall be kept in 
custody and the chattels shall be dealt with as they 
woiild be if they had been legally confiscated by the 
Church. However, if students are arrested by 

IS our provost at such an hour that an ecclesiastical 
justice cannot be found or found quickly, then our 
provost shall have them put under guard in any 
student house until they can be handed over to 
ecclesiastical justices, but without violence, as we 

20 have said above. 

"In regard to the lay servants of the scholarly 
clerks who do not owe us burgensium or residentium ^ 
and do not live by trade in order that the students 
may not be able to do injury to others by means of 

25 such servants it shall be as follows: we will not lay 

^ Burgensium or Burgage was the fixed tax that the citizen of 
a town paid to the lord or king. Residentium was the right of a 
feudal lord to compel his vassal or tenant to live within the Umits 
of his fief. 

156 



The Departure of the University from Paris 

hands on them, nor will our justice, unless the offense 
is apparent and one for which our justice ought to 
make arrest. However, notwithstanding what the 
contents of this privilege, which we grant to the 

s students of Paris, may be, we do not intend to 
include the canons of Paris and their servants in 
this privilege, but we wish that the servants of 
the canons of Paris and the canons of the same 
town should have the same liberties that our 

10 predecessors have been accustomed to allow them. 
Concerning any difficulty that might arise from any 
of the aforesaid arrangements, or concerning this 
charter, we cannot be brought to trial except in our 
own court. 

IS ' 'That this charter may be more carefully preserved 
and shall be more binding by law forever, we decree 
that our provost and the people of Paris, in the pres- 
ence of the students, shall swear that they will 
observe the terms mentioned above in good faith. 

20 Further, whoever shall in the future be given the 
office of Provost by us shall, at the very beginning of 
his provostship — namely, on the first or second Sun- 
day — take oath publicly, in the presence of the stu- 
dents, that he will observe everything above men- 

25 tioned in good faith." 

We [Louis] approve and command everything 
said above, and we command that it be confirmed 
by the authority of our royal seal and by the stamp 
of our signature below. 

157 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History- 
Dated at Fontainebleau in the twelve hundred and 
twenty-ninth year of our Lord, in the month of 
August, in the third year of our reign, with those 
present in our palace whose names are signed below. 

5 No Seneschall present. (Signed) Robert, Butler. 
(Signed) Bartholomew, Chancellor. (Signed) Ma- 
thew. Constable.^ 

12. Letter of Gregory IX. to William, Bishop oj 
Paris (November 23, 1229). 

10 ... To the Bishop of Paris. 

Believing that we had found a man after our own 
heart and that we could rightly rejoice and exult in 
you, we poured the oil upon your head with sacred 
unction, so that by retaining in yourself the grace of 

IS religion, you would give to those about you the odor 
of good reputation. We thought that, having chosen 
you with care, you would perform the duties of your 
office in such a manner that you would deservedly 
hear from the highest Paterfamilias, "Well done, good 

20 and faithful servant; enter thou into the glories 
of the Lord," because you would have offered him 
double the talents that he had intrusted to your 
keeping. We, moved by reports that we had heard 
about you rather than by any personal knowledge 

25 of you, placed you above others who were known 
and tried, when we intrusted the church of Paris 
to your keeping, and this cannot be concealed, for it 

^ The original document has a fragment of wax seal attached by 
a green silk cord. 

158 



The Departure of the University from Paris 

is like a city placed upon a mount. Moreover, we 
boasted that we had made Sabaoth a useful cul- 
tivator in the garden of the Lord. But lo, grieving, 
we return, bearing a wound from an unexpected 

s enemy, our hope disappointed, for we are so con- 
founded by your acts that we are forced to say, 
although unwillingly, "We regret that we made this 
man." . . . 

We know, a dissension having arisen between 

10 our most dear son in Christ [Louis], the king of the 
Franks, and [Blanche] the queen, his mother, both 
illustrious, on the one side, and our beloved sons, 
the masters and students of Paris, on the other side, 
that these same masters, with their students, were so 

15 exasperated by the injuries and grievances that they 
suffered, that they have departed from Paris and 
have removed the university elsewhere. You not 
only have not tried to be a mediator in this affair, 
but it is said that you have actually given such coun- 

20 sel and advice as would prevent the agreements pro- 
posed by either side from being accepted. Hoping 
to produce such benefits as would come if the uni- 
versity was recalled, and desiring to have the in- 
conveniences that have resulted from its departure 

25 removed, we are commanding in our letters to our 
brothers [Maurice] of Le Mans and [Guarinus] of 
Senlis, bishops, and to our dear son, master John, 
archdeacon of Chalons, that they should act as 
mediators between the king and queen and the 

159 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

masters and students, and should use diligent solic- 
itude and make effective efforts in order that the 
restoration of the privilege granted by Ph. [ilip], 
king of the Franks, of illustrious memory, should 

5 satisfy the aforesaid masters and students for 
the injuries and sufferings that they have en- 
dured and thus the university of Paris may be 
recalled. . . . 
As a brother, we ask you and exhort in the Lord 

10 by apostoHc letter, and command you by strict ad- 
monishment, that you bestir yourself carefully but 
effectively, and prudently persist in so doing until 
suitable satisfaction shall be made to the masters 
and students aforesaid for the injuries that they have 

IS endured and thus the university may be recalled to 
Paris, and that the substantial privilege be restored 
to them so that these studies shall be preserved. 
Thus, you may atone for the stain of your former 
offense or negligence, and we shall be less put to shame 

20 through you, for we cannot pass these matters by 
with closed eyes. In some other way we will provide 
a way, the Lord helping, for the correction of what 
is not so much your negligence as deliberate wil- 
fulness on your part. In this way you may be 

25 able to recognize, through penance, how much you 
have sinned. 

Dated at Perugia, the ninth day before the Cal- 
ends of December, in the third year of our pontifi- 
cate. 

i6o 



The Departure of the University from Paris 

13. Letter of Gregory IX. to the bishops oj Le Mans and 
Senlis and the Archdeacon oJ Chalons (November 
24, 1229). 
To [Maurice] of Le Mans and [Guarinus] of Senlis, 

s Bishops, and Master John, Archdeacon of 

Chalons. 
Know that it has reached our ears that a dissen- 
sion has arisen between our most dear son [Louis], 
the king of France, and [Blanche] his mother, the 

10 queen, both illustrious, on the one side, and our 
beloved sons, the masters and students of Paris, 
on the other side, and that these same masters with 
their students were so exasperated by the injuries 
and grievances which they suffered that they have 

IS departed from Paris, and have removed the uni- 
versity elsewhere, and by so doing they seem to 
have carried the key of knowledge with them and to 
wish to close the kingdom of Heaven for mankind, 
inasmuch as they themselves are unwilling to enter, 

20 and they seem to be unwilling to let others enter who 
desire to do so. Hoping to produce such benefits 
as would come from the return of the aforesaid river 
to its channel, and desiring to overcome the incon- 
veniences that have resulted from its departure, we 

25 command, by apostolic letter, that you should care- 
fully act as mediators between the king and queen 
and the masters and students aforesaid, and that you 
use diligent solicitude and make effective efforts, in 
order that the restoration of the privilege granted by 

161 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

Ph. [ilip], king of the Franks, of illustrious memory, 
should satisfy the masters and students aforesaid 
for the sufferings and injuries that they have en- 
dured, and thus the university of Paris may be 

s recalled. 

The force of that other oath should not be per- 
mitted to interfere, for of the three principles that 
it required, two seem to have been lacking — namely, 
justice and judgment — and, having originated thus, 

10 it would seem that such an oath ought not to have 
much force. If perchance some people should try 
to excuse themselves by such difficulties, with the 
aid of the Lord and the foresight of the Apostolic 
See, we will endeavor to arrange matters, so that 

IS they will not be spotted by the stain of any sin of 
this kind. And since delay seems to increase the 
dangers in this matter, we command that whatever 
can be done without delay shall be done, and that 
you inform us whatever you leam about these mat- 

20 ters as soon as possible, so that when we are in- 
structed by your report, we may proceed in this 
matter, the Lord helping. 

Dated at Perugia, on the eighth day before the 
Calends of December, in the third year. 

25 14. Letter of Gregory IX. to Louis, King of France, 
and Blanche, his Mother (November 26, 1229). 
To [Louis] King of the Franks, and [Blanche] the 
Queen, his Mother, Both Illustrious. 
Know that it has come to our ears that a dissen- 
162 



The Departure of the University from Paris 

sion has arisen between you, on the one side, and 
our beloved sons, the masters and students of Paris, 
on the other side, that these same masters with their 
students were so exasperated by the injuries and 
s grievances which they suffered that they have de- 
parted from Paris and have removed the university 
elsewhere. Hoping to produce such benefits as 
would come if the imi versify were recalled, and 
desiring to have the inconveniences that have 

10 resulted from its departure removed, we are com- 
manding in our letters to our venerable brothers 
[Maurice] of Le Mans and [Guarinus] of Senlis, 
bishops, and to Master John, archdeacon of Chalons, 
that as our representatives they should act as me- 

is diators between you and the masters and students 
aforesaid, and should use diligent solicitude and make 
effective efforts in order that the restoration of the 
privilege granted by Ph. [ilip], king of the Franks, 
of illustrious memory, should satisfy the aforesaid 

20 masters and students for the injuries and sufferings 
that they have endured, and thus the university of 
Paris should be recalled. Therefore, we ask your 
excellency, and advise and exhort in the Lord, and in 
adherence to the blessed benignity of your pred- 

25 ecessors, as well as the reverence that you have 
toward the Apostolic See and toward us, that you 
admit these men into your royal grace and favor; 
that you acquiesce in the advice and exhortation 
of these aforesaid men and be prompt in the settle- 
12 163 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

ment of this affair, just as you will be if you follow 
your usual clemency. Lest, if you do otherwise, 
which we do not believe will be the case, we should 
see wisdom and benignity, without which the unity 

5 of power is scarcely able to exist, cast aside, and we, 
who are not able to permit this kingdom [of France], 
which has thus far been blessed by Heaven, to be 
dishonored in any such manner, would be forced to 
make other arrangements in this matter. 

10 Dated at Perugia, the sixth day before the Calends 
of December, in the third year of our pontificate. 
1 5 . Letter of Gregory IX. to the Masters and Students 

at Paris and Angers (May lo, 1230). 
To the masters and students sojourning at Paris 

15 and Angers. 

. . . Because the ancient enemy of the human race 
and the diabolical destroyer of peace recently strove 
to diminish the increase of happiness by his cun- 
ning, and, though it grieves me to say it, has suc- 

20 ceeded in diminishing it, for a dissension has arisen 
between you and the citizens of Paris, the study 
of theological learning and the principles of 
scholastic training have ceased in the aforesaid 
city. We, who cherish the honor of the same city, 

25 and are not able and ought not to permit a decline 
in such studies, desire to bring about their reforma- 
tion, lest, if they should be further removed, they 
should be completely destroyed. Although we have 
seen certain plans and plenty of other petitions, 

164 



The Departure of the University from Paris 

we are not able to obtain sufficient knowledge con- 
cerning the matter in hand, because we are not able 
to proceed without you, whom the business especially 
concerns. Thus, by our authority, we command your 
5 presence, and we hereby issue strict injunctions that 
you will send to us at the feast of the Blessed Virgin, 
certain persons, who shall be qualified to represent 
the whole body of you. Because of this, we have 
arranged for the detention of Master W.^ Further, 
io in order that we may be fully informed of your liber- 
ties, and that we may expedite matters more surely, 
we wish and command that you send to us, under 
authentic seals, copies of all privileges and indul- 
gences that you have received from us or from 
IS kings. 

Dated at the Lateran, on the sixth day before the 
Ides of May, in the fourth year of our pontificate. 
1 6. Letter of Gregory IX. to the Masters and Students 
of Paris (February 27, 123 1). The Bull called 
20 Parens Scientiarum. 

Gregory, Bishop, Servant of the Servants of God, 
to his dear Sons, all the Masters and Students of 
Paris. Greeting and Apostolic Blessing. . . . 
Since it is not doubtful that it would greatly dis- 
ss please both God and men, if any one should try to 
disturb such distinguished excellence as is found 

1 William of Auxerre, author of important theological works, 
appears to have been sent to Rome by the king with letters to the 
pope. 

16S 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

in the aforesaid city [Paris], or who should not force- 
fully and mightily oppose with all his strength any 
one which might disturb such a condition of affairs, 
we have listened diligently to the complaints that 

5 have been presented to us and decided the matter, 
aided by the advice of our brothers, rather by 
precautionary measures than with judicial judgment, 
concerning the trouble that has arisen in that city 
owing to diabolical instigation and which has so 

10 greatly disturbed the university. As to the status 
of the students and the schools, we have decreed 
that the following regulations must be observed, to 
wit: that whoever shall next be created chancellor 
of Paris must be elected in the presence of the bishop 

15 or at his command, in the chapter of Paris, and two 
masters shall be summoned and present on this 
occasion representing the whole body of students. 
At his installation he shall take oath that, for the 
regulation of theology and decretals [canon law], in 

20 good faith and according to his conscience at every 
time and place, with due consideration for the wel- 
fare of the city and the honor and reputation of its 
faculties, he will not confer the license unless it is 
deserved, and will not admit unworthy persons when 

25 the approval of persons and nations is lacking. In- 
deed, before he shall license any one within a period 
of three months from the time when petition is made 
for the license, he shall diligently make inquiry from 
all masters of theology in the city as well as from 

i66 



The Departure of the University from Paris 

other upright and learned men, from whom the 
truth can be obtained, concerning the morality, 
learning, eloquence, probable future, and all other 
matters which are required on such occasions; and 
5 when he has made such inquiry, in good faith, ac- 
cording to what is right and expedient, and according 
to the dictates of his conscience, he shall grant or 
refuse the license to the candidate seeking it. More- 
over, the masters of theology and decretals, when 

10 they begin to teach, shall take public oath that they 
will give faithful testimony regarding the matters 
previously considered. The chancellor shall like- 
wise take oath that he will in no way reveal the 
advice of the masters to their prejudice, but that he 

IS will do all in his power to preserve the regulations 
of Paris, openly and legally (as they were in the 
beginning). Concerning the students of medicine, 
of the arts and others, the chancellor shall promise 
to examine the masters in good faith, and that he 

20 will not admit any who are not worthy, but will 
refuse the unworthy. Further, inasmuch as con- 
fusion creeps in wherever there is disorder, we grant 
to you the right to make prudent regulations and 
ordinances concerning the manner and hours of 

25 readings and discussions,^ concerning the prescribed 



^ Teaching consisted of readings and discussions. The reading 
was the elucidation of an old author by the teacher, hence the 
term for teaching was "to read." The masters or the students 
held frequent discussions, or debates, in which they tested their 

167 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History- 
dress,^ the burial of the dead, concerning the hours at 
which bachelors may teach and what they ought to 
teach, ^ likewise concerning the rent and prohibi- 
tion of hospices,^ and further grant to you the right 
5 to punish all who refuse to obey such regulations 
and ordinances, by expulsion from the society. If, 
perchance, the rating of hospices is removed from 
your control, or because it is not in your control, 
any of your people should suffer injury or wrong — 

10 namely, death or mutilation of body — unless, after 
due warning has been given in advance, reparation 
is made within fifteen days, you shall have the right 
to suspend teaching until satisfaction is obtained. 
Further, if any of your people happen to be impris- 

15 oned without just cause, if the molestation does not 
cease after warning has been given, you have the 

learning and their skill in logic or dialectics. Ordinary readings 
or lectures were those which were regular and had precedence over 
the extraordinary, which could not be given until the ordinary 

20 readings were finished. 

1 "No master lecturing in arts should have a cloak unless it is 
round and black and reaching to the heels at least when it is new. 
He may well wear the pallium [garment worn by monks]. He is not to 
wear under the round cloak embroidered shoes, and never any with 

2S long bands." — Statutes of 1215. 

^ After the student had completed a certain amount of work and 
had been in residence a stated period, he took an examination which 
made him a bachelor. The bachelor continued to pursue studies 
under masters, but was also required to do some teaching. 

30 ^ The hospice was a house in which students lived. A senior 
student, or a bachelor, was chosen to act as steward, or general man- 
ager. With the influx of students the rents of houses in the student 
quarter had become excessive. See the letter of Gregory to Louis, 
No. 18, p. 173. 

168 



The Departure of the University from Paris 

right to immediately suspend all teaching, if you 
believe that by so doing you can help matters. 

We command, further, that the bishop of Paris 
should thus correct excessive delinquency, that the 
5 honor of the students should be preserved, and that 
wrongdoing should not go unpunished, but, in any 
case of delinquency, innocent persons must not be 
arrested. If, however, a probable suspicion shall 
have arisen against any one, with fitting caution 

10 and in an honorable manner, he should be taken into 
custody, but he shall be spared all the exacting delays 
of imprisonment. If, perchance, he has committed a 
crime that demands imprisonment, the bishop shall 
detain the guilty party in his prison, for the chancel- 

15 lor is absolutely forbidden to have a prison of his 
own. Further, we prohibit the seizure of students 
for debts contracted by another, since this is pro- 
hibited by canonical and legal decrees. Neither the 
bishop, nor any of his officers, nor the chancellor 

20 shall exact a money penance for the removal of the 
decree of excommunication or any other censure, nor 
shall the chancellor extort from masters about to be 
licensed any oath or promise of obedience, nor shall 
he receive any other consideration or promise for 

25 granting the license, but shall be content with the 
oath above described. 

Hereafter, summer vacations shall not last more 
than a month, but, if they so wish, bachelors may 
teach during vacations. We expressly forbid stu- 

169 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

dents to roam about the town with arms, and the 
whole body of you should not defend those who dis- 
turb the peace or the university. Those who pre- 
tend that they are students but do not frequent 

5 the schools or are not attached to any master shall 
not enjoy the privileges of students. We command, 
further, that masters of arts should give one course 
in Priscian,^ and should always give one other 
ordinary.^ Those books of natiu-al philosophy which 

10 were prohibited by the provincial council for a 
definite cause, ^ shall not be used at Paris until they 
have been examined and purged of every suggestion 
of error. The masters and students of theology 
should strive to occupy themselves in a laudable 

IS manner in the field which they profess, and should 
not try to be philosophers, but should rather seek 
to become learned about God. They should not 
speak in the language of the people, and confuse the 
sacred language with the profane, but should discuss 

20 such questions in the schools as can be definitely 
settled by the theological books or the treatises of 
the holy fathers. 

In regard to the property of students who die 

^ Priscian was the author of the grammar that was used in the 
25 universities of the Middle Ages. 

^ Ordinary course of reading which was given at the regular 
hours of the regular term. 

^ The provincial council of Paris to which Gregory refers was 
that of 1 2 ID. The works of Aristotle on natural philosophy were 
30 condemned at this time, while the statutes of 12 15 forbid the use 
of Aristotle's natural pliilosophy and his metaphysics. 

170 



The Departure of the University from Paris 

intestate or who have not committed the settlement 
of their affairs to others, we have decided that the 
bishop and one of the masters, chosen for this purpose 
by the whole body, shall collect all the goods of the 

5 deceased in a safe place, and when they have made 
such arrangement they shall fix a date by which it 
shall be possible to send the news of such death to 
the home of the deceased, and those upon whom the 
succession to such goods falls shall be able to come 

10 to Paris or send a satisfactory representative, and 
if they should come or should send, the goods should 
be handed over to them with suitable caution. If 
no one should appear, then the master and the 
bishop should leave the property as a bequest for 

15 the soul of the deceased according to their judgment, 
unless the heirs have some good reason for not com- 
ing, in which case the disposal of the property shall 
be deferred. 

Indeed, because the masters and students, irri- 

20 tated by wrongs and injuries, have bound themselves 
by oath and have departed from the city of Paris, 
thus breaking up the university, and they seem to 
have made it not so much an individual matter as 
a common affair, we, in the interest of the general 

25 Church and its weU considered advantage, enjoin 
and command that when privileges shall have been 
granted to masters and students, by our dear son 
in Christ [Louis] — king of the Franks — and the 
punishment of the malefactors who injured them 

171 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

has been determined, they should see to it at Paris 
that nothing of censure should be brought forth 
concerning their absence or return or irregularity. 
No man whatsoever shall be permitted to infringe 
s or to oppose without grave risk to himself, this our 
charter of provisions, constitutions, concessions, pro- 
hibitions, and inhibitions. If, moreover, any one 
should presume to try this he should know that he 
will incur the displeasure of the Almighty God and 
10 of Peter and Paul, His blessed apostles. 

Dated at the Lateran, on the Ides of April, in the 
fifth year of our pontificate. 

17. Letter of Gregory IX. to Odo, Abbot oj Saint 
Germain-des-Prds (April 13, 123 1). 
IS Gregory, Bishop, Servant of the Servants of God, 
to his dear son [Odo], Abbot of Saint Ger- 
main -des-Pres, Paris, Greeting and Apostolic 
Blessing. 
Inasmuch as students ought to be not in worse 
20 but in better relations to you and your men than to 
other citizens of the city of Paris, we advise you by 
apostolic letter to be discreet, and in advising we 
command you to bind your men in the village of St. 
Germain by the same restrictions as those by which 
25 the citizens of Paris are bound by royal privilege 
for the peace and security of the students. Fulfil 
this our request in such a way that you will show 
yourself friendly and agreeable to these same stu- 
dents, not so much because of necessity as by your 

172 



The Departure of the University from Paris 

own free will, and you will render yourself most 
deserving both of divine grace and of ours. 

Dated at the Lateran, on the Ides of April, in the 
fifth year of our pontificate. 

s 1 8. Letter of Gregory IX. to Louis, King of France 

(April i8, 123 1). 

Gregory, Bishop, Servant of the Servants of God, 

to our most dear son in Christ [Louis], 

King of the Franks, Greeting and Apostolic 

10 Blessing. 

Just as it is to the interest of the kingdom of 
heaven that the university should be established in 
that city in its former position, so it will benefit your 
honor and safety to carry out with obliging grace and 

IS zeal the arrangements that have been made by us. 
Wherefore, we ask your serenity, and advise and 
exhort in the Lord, that you follow the example of 
your ancestors and show yourself favorable and 
benign to the students, and that you renew and 

20 observe and force others to observe the privilege 
granted to them by King Philip, of glorious memory, 
your grandfather. Inasmuch as many are com- 
pelled to take hospices that are much too dear, grant 
to them further, without hesitation, that the regula- 

25 tion of hospices shall be placed in the hands of two 
masters and two citizens, who shall faithfully give 
oath and shall be chosen for this purpose with the 
consent of the masters; or, if the citizens are not 
interested in the matter, it shall be done by two 

173 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

masters, as has formerly been the custom.^ And 
since it is to your honor as a king that you should 
carefully give justice for all injuries, see to it that 
the reparation that is said to have been arranged 
for the injuries that the students recently suffered 
shall be fulfilled. So fulfil our prayers and admon- 
ishments that you shall be worthy of divine favor 
and we shall be able to commend deservedly your 
clemency. 

Dated at the Lateran, on the eighteenth day before 
the Calends of May, in the fifth year of our pon- 
tificate. 

* See note, p. i68. 



PROBLEM V 

v.— The Coronation of Cola di Rienzo 



The Coronation of Cola di Rienzo 



I. THE HISTORICAL SETTING OF THE PROBLEM 

THE career of Cola di Rienzo or Nicholas, son of 
Lawrence, reached its height with his coronation as 
tribune of the people in the first half of the month of 
August, 1347. Three months before that time he had 
been a poor peasant who gloried in the office of papal 
notary at Rome; four months later he was a fugitive 
from the wrath of the pope. Meantime he had been 
ruler of Rome, almost worshiped by the people of the 
city, honored by neighboring states, and applauded by 
kings and even by the pope. The circumstances which 
made possible this spectacular rise of a mere peasant to 
the dizzy height of imperial ambition involve most of the 
forces which were operating in early Renaissance Italy, 
and especially at Rome. 

Rome itself had for almost half a century been the 
scene of unusual turbulence. The papal curia, which had 
been one of her greatest sources of wealth as well as 
importance, had been moved to Avignon in 1308. In that 
same year a devastating fire had swept over a great part 
of the city, adding greatly to the already overstocked 
supply of ruins. In 13 12 the emperor Henry VII. made 
his chimerical journey to receive the imperial crown, and 
had to fight his way through the city to the Capitol. 
Ludwig of Bavaria, who came to Italy for a similar purpose 

177 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

sixteen years later, had to wage war on Roman soil also. 
At the other times the city was largely at the mercy of 
certain noble families whose intense rivalry kept it in 
almost constant turmoil. These families, of which the 
Colonna, the Orsini, the Gastani, and the Frangipani were 
the leading ones, had, even in the days when the popes 
were at Rome, been powerful enough to be troublesome. 
Now they fairly reveled in civil warfare. Their homes 
in the city were heavily barricaded and further fortified 
by bands of hired ruffians drawn from the streets of the 
city or from bands of roving free-booters. With these 
forces they rode about preying upon commerce and 
industry and terrifying the neighborhood. The com- 
mon people had to choose one or another of these 
families as their patrons, and, whichever they chose, 
they became immediately legitimate prey for the others. 
Robbery was a genteel occupation, murder a daily oc- 
currence, while respectable family life among the ordi- 
nary citizens became almost impossible. Occasionally 
the people had revolted and established popular gov- 
ernments based on the guild organization, but without 
permanent success. The powerful king of Naples, who had 
frequently interfered in the interests of the papacy, died 
in 1343, and the beautiful but wicked Joanna, who fol- 
lowed him, caused such anarchy that Naples could then 
be of little assistance. 

The papacy, though at Avignon, was especially con- 
cerned about the condition of Rome. Rome and the 
papal states constituted the patrimony of St. Peter — 
a source of revenue and, in theory, of temporal indepen- 
dence. Over it the popes placed their officials, both spirit- 
ual and lay, and from it they drew feudal dues. As long 
as Robert of Naples was alive the popes were generally 
able to maintain order, but with his death there seemed 

178 



The Coronation of Cola di Rienzo 

no effective means of controlling the lands. Ludwig of 
Bavaria, who had been elected emperor, was excommuni- 
cate, and Charles of Bohemia was chosen in his place in 
1346. Neither was in a position to aid the papacy. The 
noble families were too strongly rivals to establish peace, 
while the adventurous free-booters who roamed about with 
powerful bands could scarcely be expected to look after 
the interests of the popes. Rienzo's success, therefore, 
was hailed with joy by the papacy at first, as well as by the 
people of the city. 

Cola di Rienzo was the son of a poor tavern keeper in 
Rome, where he was bom about the year 1314- Although 
his parents were poor, he seems, nevertheless, to have pro- 
cured some education. His biographer accords him the 
reputation of being better versed in classical writings, and 
especially in deciphering inscriptions, than any other 
Roman of his time. He seems also to have had a natural 
gift for oratory, the effect of which was greatly enhanced 
by his fine appearance. Along with this he had an almost 
mystic imagination to which the things about him ap- 
peared in a strange light. Even in his early life many 
things had happened which afforded choice food for 
such a mind. Henry VH. had made his journey to 
re-establish the Roman Empire in 13 12, and left a vivid 
impression upon the minds of the people. Dante's De 
Monarckia and his other writings laudatory of the old 
empire strengthened and prolonged that idea. When 
Rienzo was fourteen years old Ludwig of Bavaria came to 
Rome and had himself made emperor by the Roman 
people, supported by the writings of the theorist, Mar- 
sigilio of Padua, whose writings were quite widely read. 
Then in 1341 Rienzo witnessed the coronation of Petrarch, 
who had come to Rome to receive the laurel wreath where 
Cicero and Virgil had lived. The Rome of his imag- 
13 179 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

ination became, therefore, constantly more vivid and 
attainable. 

His own Rome, as it was, served to his mind only as a 
violent contrast to what it ought to be. His own younger 
brother had been ruthlessly murdered by some of the 
noble faction, which could only embitter the grief he al- 
ready felt for the sad plight of the city. In the popular 
overthrow of the government at the end of the year 1342 
Rienzo was selected as orator to inform the pope and 
make the usual request for the return of the papacy to 
Rome. At Avignon he created a very favorable im- 
pression, and, though Clement VI. treated the question 
of return to Rome with the same indifference as his im- 
mediate predecessors, he did grant the not altogether 
altruistic plea for another jubilee at Rome in 1350. 
There, too, Rienzo met and became acquainted with 
Petrarch, and just before he left Avignon he received 
from the pope the office of papal notary in Rome. When 
he came home he found himself a man of more importance 
than the new office which he had would ordinarily confer. 

In this office, however, he came into closer contact with 
the leading men in Rome ; he learned more intimately the 
sordid side of the relations between the nobles, and he 
accumulated a fund of practical experience which he later 
utilized. Though he seems to have done little that was 
unusual during this period before his sudden rise in 1347, 
even that little was in the direction of his later work. 
Rome was startled by the appearance in a public place 
of an allegorical representation of Rome tossed about on 
a stormy sea among shipwrecks. This was ascribed to 
him. Later he discovered the tablet of the Lex Regia, 
which commemorated the grant of the imperium by the 
Senate to Vespasian. This was installed prominently in a 
public place ; around it was painted the scene of the Senate 

180 



The Coronation of Cola di Rienzo 

conferring the empire, and then Rienzo, dressed in fan- 
tastic garb, mounted a tribune and expounded the mean- 
ing of this tablet in a lecture more political than anti- 
quarian. The nobles did not regard him as seriously then 
as they did later, but the people seem to have been duly 
impressed. Then a secret conspiracy was formed in 
which Rienzo and the papal vicar, Raymond of Orvieto, 
were the leaders. Plans were carefully laid; and on the 
2oth of May, when most of the Colonna forces were out 
of the city, the people were called together ; Rienzo read 
a new constitution to them, and he with the papal vicar 
were made tribunes of the Roman people. 

It has been generally admitted that the new govern- 
ment accomplished wonders. The nobles were sup- 
pressed; Rome and its neighborhood were peaceful; the 
city was effectively policed; fields that lay idle through 
fear were again cultivated, and pilgrims could come with- 
out fear of hurt to the holy shrines at Rome. The news 
of these events brought great rejoicing everywhere, and 
letters and presents poured into Rome from all Europe. 
Sailors said that even the Sultan of Babylon trembled 
at the very mention of the tribune's name. At any 
rate, Europe was pleased, and Cola felt immeasurably 
flattered and immoderately great. 

John of Vico, the prefect of the city, was the last 
powerful opponent in the vicinity, but by the i6th of 
July even he was forced to prostrate himself at the feet 
of the tribune. On the 26th of that month Rienzo pro- 
claimed the ancient majesty of the Roman people. The 
ceremony of knighthood took place on the first day of 
August. On the same day he also summoned the emperor 
and the electors to appear in Rome. On the next day 
he celebrated the festival of the unity of Italy and pre- 
sented the standards. About this time, too, he received 

181 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

a request from Joanna of Naples, who was in trouble for 
the murder of her husband, to have Rienzo decide her case. 
The king of Hungary, who was trying to avenge the death 
of that husband, also appealed to him, while the powerfiil 
dukes of southern Italy entreated his good-will. On the 
15th of that month he was crowned with the six crowns. 
Murmurs of opposition began to arise at Avignon and 
spread southward. The nobles, awaiting the first oppor- 
tunity to overthrow the plebeian upstart, began to con- 
spire against him. Some of them he lured to a banquet 
on the 14th of September, where he took them captive. 
But, although he had condemned them to death, he let 
them go three days later, for which he paid dearly. On 
the 19th of the month he broached his definite plans 
for Italian unity to the cities of Italy. The papal vicar 
was dismissed from office, but the net began to draw more 
closely about Rienzo. The papal legate from Sicily was 
ordered to Rome. On the 7th of October he was em- 
powered to depose him, and five days later he was given 
definite instructions of procedure. Letters had mean- 
while been sent to various states and nobles in the neigh- 
borhood to give the legate aid, and the Roman nobles 
were the first to arise. The legate arrived in Rome and 
summoned Rienzo. But the tribune overawed him for 
the moment, and momentarily, too, was successful over 
the nobles in a battle on the 20th of November. They 
continued, however, to ravage the territory outside of 
Rome, and papal opposition grew stronger. On the 3d of 
December he was excommunicated. On the isth of that 
month he publicly abdicated and withdrew to the castle 
of St. Angelo, where he hid for a time. 

Later he withdrew as a fugitive, and little was known 
about him in the next two years. In 1350 he appeared 
at the court of Charles IV., king of Germany, whom he 

lS2 



The Coronation of Cola di Rienzo 

urged to come to Rome as the savior of the Roman 
Empire. But Charles kept him in genteel imprisonment 
for the next two years, although the pope made numerous 
requests for the prisoner. Finally, in 1352, he was with 
reluctance given over to the papacy. At Avignon he was 
kept in chains, and in imminent danger of being put to 
death, but with the death of Clement VI. and the acces- 
sion of Innocent VI. a different solution was found. He 
was sent with the fighting cardinal, Albomoz, to subdue 
the papal states. The work was successful, and Rienzo 
was rewarded with the position of senator of Rome, but 
his local enemies brought that office to a short end by 
killing him October 8, 1354. 

II. THE AUTHORS OF THE ACCOUNTS 

This problem differs from the preceding in that it is 
not so much a comparison of several authors describing 
the same event as it is a comparison of the attitude of the 
same writers toward an event at different times. The 
following selections are taken mainly from the letters of 
Rienzo and the pope, Clement VI., and have, therefore, 
largely the character of official documents. These letters, 
though addressed to one person only, were usually in- 
tended to be read by several, which is especially true 
of Rienzo's letters. The pompous, grandiloquent style 
of the latter, with the long, involved sentences and 
parenthetical clauses, requires painstaking study to un- 
derstand them fully. Occasionally the unusually long 
sentences of the original have been broken up for the 
purposes of this translation, but so far as convenient the 
original form has been preserved. The papal letters are 
only less involved than those of Rienzo, and both repre- 
sent a more ornate Latin than that used by the earlier 

183 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

medieval chroniclers. Only portions of some of the 
original letters are here translated; those parts which 
deal with the events that occurred at Rome between the 
first and the fifteenth days of August, 1347. The other 
matters, relating to the struggles with the nobles or 
the tribime's other activities, have been omitted as 
far as possible. 

1. The Titles Used by Cola di Rienzo. These titles are 
taken from Rienzo's own letters, and are almost entirely 
of his own conception. For this reason they cast an 
interesting light upon the character of the man himself, 
and the changes which they undergo in the course of the 
year assume an almost pathetic significance. 

2. Letter oj Clement VI. to Raymond, Bishop oj Orvieto, 
and Cola di Rienzo. This letter was written Jime 27, 
1347, and practically all of this is here translated. It is 
self-explanatory, and is particularly valuable for the papal 
attitude at this time. The papal letter of October 12 th 
throws some additional light on this point. 

3. Letter of Rienzo to the Commune oj Florence. This 
is a copy of a circular letter written July 9th to the cities 
around ; Rome. Congratulations had been received in 
various forms from many people, even from the pope; 
his plans had been unusually successful; and he was now 
ready to stage an elaborate coronation. The letter is 
translated in full. 

4. Letter of Rienzo to a Friend at Avignon. Only a part 
of this letter, which was written July 15th, is here trans- 
lated. The other portions deal with the various events 
that have happened under Rienzo's administration. 
This is practically the first official announcement of the 
coming celebration to the pope. Notice the indirect 
way in which it is given. 

5. Vita Anonymi di Cola di Rienzo {Anonymous Life oj 

184 



The Coronation of Cola di Rienzo 

Cola di Rienzo). Who the author of this life was is not 
definitely known, but there seems little doubt that he was 
a personal witness of most of the events of Rienzo's public 
career. He wrote his account just after the death of the 
tribune in a dialect form of Italian intended probably 
for general reading. Though crude in language and style, 
it is very graphic, and by historians is usually regarded 
as a very impartial account. The last paragraph about 
the death of Rienzo is added for its side light on the 
author of the account. 

6. The Citation of the German Emperor and Electors. 
This document, which was made public on the first day 
of August, had been previously prepared, and represents 
perhaps the most ambitious undertaking of the tribune. 
Those cited did not appear. 

7. Letter of Rienzo to Clement VI. This letter has two 
dates — the first part was written presumably on Jiily 
27th, the rest of it August sth. Only parts of it are here 
translated, but the rest of it deals in the same happy way 
with the happenings at Rome and Rienzo's plans. A 
delicate question might arise as to whether he intended 
this to reach the pope at the original date. 

8. Giovanni Villani: Historia Universalis. This writer 
died in 1348, a victim to the black death which was sweep- 
ing over Europe at that time. He lived at Florence, 
where he was engaged during the years before his death 
in writing a history of his own times. Experience in the 
extensive commercial and diplomatic relations of his city 
and his shrewd judgment enabled him to write an unusu- 
ally complete and sound history of his times. On Roman 
affairs he was very well informed, though he was not an 
eye-witness, and his account is here valuable as the esti- 
mate of Rienzo by an expert and close observer at the 
time. 

18S 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

9. The Program of the Coronation oj Cola di Rienzo. 
This document was drawn up by Rienzo himself, and 
contains some of the best illustrations of the mental 
vagaries of the famous tribune. Ancient learning and 
medieval allegory are closely intermingled. 

10. Letter of Clement VI. to the Papal Legate. The pope 
had become alarmed by the news which he heard from 
Rome, and therefore wrote to the legate in Sicily to take 
measures to check Rienzo 's career. The letter is dated at 
Avignon, August 21st. Only the charges against Rienzo 
have been here translated. 

11. Letter oJ Rienzo to Clement VI. The exact date 
of this letter is lost, but it was probably written some 
time between the 15th and 3 ist of August. From various 
sources Rienzo learned of the opposition to him at Avig- 
non, and in the letter which is here translated he replies 
to the charges. Notice the confident yet anxious tone. 

12. Letter of Rienzo to Rinaldo Orsini at Avignon. 
Momentary successes gave him added confidence, and in 
this letter to the papal notary he recounted what had 
happened, and in a facetious, almost insolent way he 
treats the charges again. The latter part is here given. 
It is dated September 17th. 

13. Letter of Rienzo to the City of Florence. This is a 
copy of another circular letter addressed to the cities of 
Italy, and was written only two days after the preceding 
letter. In this he broached more clearly his plans for 
Italian imity. 

14. Letter of Rienzo to Clement VI. The definite oppo- 
sition of the pope had become evident even to Rienzo him- 
self, and practically all of this letter, written October i ith, 
is devoted to a serious defense of himself. Only portions 
of the letter are here given. 

15. Letter of Clement VI. to the Papal Legate. This is 

186 



The Coronation of Cola di Rienzo 

the last of a number of vigorous letters sent by the pope 
to the legate and other adherents in Italy, and sums up 
rather fully the charges against Rienzo, as well as convey- 
ing definite instructions of procedure against him. It was 
sent from Avignon, October 12th, and the legate almost 
immediately left Sicily to come to Rome. 

16. Letter of Clement to the People of Rome. The pope 
had decided to oust Rienzo. This letter, sent December 
3d, is practically a bull of excommunication against 
Rienzo. The tribune abdicated December 15, 1347. 

III. SUGGESTED QUESTIONS FOR STUDY 

1. What was the general attitude toward Rienzo before August 

I, 1347? 

2. Whence did Rienzo derive his power? 

3. What position did the papal vicar have at Rome in the 

pope's opinion? 

4. What position did the papal vicar have at Rome in Rienzo's 

opinion? 

5. Describe the various steps in the knighting of Rienzo. 

6. By what authority did he re-establish the majesty of the 

Roman people? 

7. What object did he have in citing the emperor and the 

electors? 

8. What evidence do you find to show that he also cited the 

pope? 

9. What was the relation of Rienzo to the pope in Rienzo's 

opinion? 

10. What was the papal opinion of that relationship? 

11. How did Rienzo assure himself that he was not opposing the 

church? 

12. Did the papal vicar approve of Rienzo's acts? 

13. What steps did Rienzo take to bring about Italian unity? 

14. Whence did Rienzo get his ideas about his positions? 

15. Did he have any ambition of becoming emperor? 

187 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

i6. For what reason did the pope oppose Rienzo? 

17. Which do you regard as the most important reason for papal 

opposition? 

18. What information do you gain from these documents about 

the office of syndic? 

19. What evidence do you find to show that the expectation 

of the Jubilee in 1350 played any part in the career of 
Rienzo? 

20. Describe the character of Rienzo. 



IV. The Sources 

I. Titles Used by Cola di Rienzo. 

NicoLAus Laurentii. 

NicoLAUs Laurentii, Magistratus Maiori Camera Urbis. 

NicoLAus, Severus et Clemens, Libertatis, Pacis Iusti- 
Ti^QUE Tribunus, ET Sacr^ Roman^ Reipublice 
Liberator Illustris. 



Candidatus Spiritus Sancti, Miles, Nicolaus, Severus et 
Clemens, Liberator Urbis, Zelator Italic, Amator 
Orbis et Tribunus Augustus. 



10 Nicolaus, Tribunus Augustus. 
Nicolaus, Tribunus. 

These six titles were all employed by Rienzo to 

designate himself and his position in the year 1347. 

The first was his name — Nicholas, son of Lawrence. 

IS This designation he used but rarely. The second 

describes his position as notary, though the title given 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval Histor}?- 

him by Clement was "Notarius Camera Urbis." 
The third title he assumed after his accession to the 
tribunate on the 20th of May, and it appears con- 
sistently in his letters until the improvement on the 
5 first day of August, which is the fourth title cited. 
In the letter to Clement on the nth of October 
the fifth title appears, and was used as late as the 
2nd of December, though the sixth title seems to be 
all that he saved from the wreck. To it he clung 
10 until he came back to Rome in 1354. 

2. Letter of Clement VI. to Bishop Raymond and Cola 

di Rienzo (June 27, 1347). 
Clement, Bishop, ... to the venerable brother 
Raymond, bishop of Orvieto, our vicar in 
IS the spiritual affairs of the City, and to the 

beloved son Nicholas, son of Lawrence, citi- 
zen of Rome, our servant, rectors of the said 
city and district, greetings. 
Among other things dear to our heart, we desire 
20 with ardent wishes that the insolence of the many be 
restrained and the renowned city, its people and in- 
habitants, who lie close to the heart of ourselves and 
the apostolic seat, should be happy with an abundance 
of peace and security in the cultivation of faith and 
25 justice. It has, indeed, just come to the hearing 
of our apostolate by verbal as well as by written 
account that the many excesses and insolence, which 
were disturbing the peace and welfare [of the City] 
not a little, have been suppressed, and that on the 

190 



The Coronation of Cola di Rienzo 

vigil of the feast of the Pentecost just past, the said 
people came to the Capitol of the same City and in 
the hope that the welfare of the said City could, 
with the Divine and our favor aiding you, be cared 

s for through your circumspect and faithful diligence, 
did unanimously and heartily choose you as rectors 
of that City and district, confident of our good will 
in this matter. Consider prudently the fact that in 
time past, at the beginning of our promotion to the 

10 apex of the highest apostolate, the aforesaid people, 
with free will and of their own accord, granted the 
offices of senator, captain, syndic, and the other 
offices of the oft-mentioned City, as pertain to them, 
to us during our life-time ; and [you] receive the office 

15 of such rectory in the name of and to the honor of 
ourselves and the Roman church. As you have ex- 
ercised that [office], continue to exercise it diligently. 
Since, therefore, the above and certain other 
matters, more seriously explained, have been more 

20 fully made known to us, and since, as nimierous 
people have pleasingly asserted to us, many and 
various boons have accrued and are accruing con- 
stantly to the same City, district, and the neigh- 
boring regions also through your administration 

25 with that same regard for the cultivation of jus- 
tice, and in order that boons of this kind may con- 
tinue and, as we very much wish, likewise increase, 
we appoint you as rectors of the aforesaid City 
and district by the contents of these presents until 

191 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

such a time as we ordain otherwise in regard to 
these matters, and grant you full power of enact- 
ing, executing, commanding, decreeing, and exer- 
cising one and all the powers which pertain to an 
s office of this kind. Wherefore we command your 
discretion by these apostolic writings, that this, 
which you have laudably received, as is above 
stated, you do laudably carry out, and, laying aside 
all partiaUty whatsoever, do so observe and cause 
10 to be observed the cultivation of justice, faith, and 
peace in that same City, its districts and possessions, 
that from, your administration, with the assistance 
of the Divine favor, the hoped for fruits may accrue, 
and that you may thence not unworthily acquire 
IS the Divine favor of ourselves and the apostolic seat 
in greater measure. 

Dated at Avignon, on the fifth day before the 
Calends of July, in the sixth year of our pontifi- 
cate. 
20 3. The Letter of Rienzo to the Commune of Florence 
(July 9, 1347). 
With our most clement Lord Jesus Christ as author, 
Nicholas, stem and clement, tribune of liberty, 
peace, and justice, and illustrious liberator of 
25 the sacred Roman republic, to the splendid and 

powerful, the potesta, captain, council, and com- 
mune of the city of Florence, the especial and 
beloved sons and friends of the sacred Roman 
people, greetings, peace, and an abundance of joy. 
192 



The Coronation of Cola di Rienzo 

For the honor of the beloved City, which is the 
capital of the cities of the world and all sacred Italy, 
and with the name and favor of the Holy Ghost, from 
whom our honor took its beginning and receives con- 

s tinual addition, we are arranging to be promoted on 
the Calends of August, next to be, to the glorious 
knighthood by the syndics of the sacred Roman 
people and also by the syndics of the other cities 
and lands of the same sacred Italy. Subsequently, 

10 on the festival of the most glorious Virgin Mary in 
the same month [August isth] we are preparing to be 
crowned with the tribunitian laurel under the title 
of liberty, peace, and justice, and we beseech your 
magnificent and dearest friendship, which we em- 

15 brace with a special zeal of affection and which we 
know delights in our joys, that it please you to send 
ambassadors and syndics properly empowered for 
this purpose to renew the ancient friendship and 
participate with us in so solemn a festival of our 

20 joys. 

Dated in the Capitol, where we flourish with up- 
right heart in a rule of justice (on the ninth day of 
July), fifteenth Indiction, in the first year of the 
liberated republic. 

25 4. Letter of Rienzo to a Friend at Avignon (July 15, 

1347)- 
Dearest Friend, — . . . And God, to whom all 
things are disclosed, knows that not ambition for 
the dignity, fame, or honor of the office, nor for 

193 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

worldly gold (which I have always abhorred as 
filth, but desire for the common good of the whole 
republic and its most sanctified condition), induced 
us to bend our neck to so heavy a yoke as has been 

s placed upon our shoulders, not by man, but by God. 
He knows if such an office was obtained with prayers 
by us; if we have conferred offices, benefices, and 
honors upon our relatives; if we have accumulated 
wealth for ourselves; if we have departed from the 

10 truth; if we hold men by words; if we make dis- 
position for ourselves, or our heirs; if we delight in 
the sweetness of foods or any other voluptuous 
pleasure; and, if we do anything that is pretended. 
God is our witness, too, for the things we have 

IS done and are doing for the poor, widows, and orphans. 
Cola the son of Lawrence used to live more quietly 
than Cola the tribune. . . . Nay, on the witness of 
the Holy Ghost and the blessed apostles, in no hour 
of the day can we obtain rest, but add even the night 

20 to work and labor. . . . 

Know likewise that to the despite and disgrace of 
John de Vico,^ the most wicked traitor, we have 
received from the Roman people the office of prefect 
of the city. We add to this pleasure [the news] that, 

25 in the name of God, we intend, on the Calends of 

1 The office of prefect of the city was a feudal office of importance 
in the city and neighborhood of Rome. It had been granted orig- 
inally by the emperor and later by the pope. John of Vico held 
out against Rienzo for some time, but on July i6th he made an abject 
30 surrender. Rienzo then received the office. 

194 



The Coronation of Cola di Rienzo 

August next to be, the pontifical and imperial day,* 
to be promoted to knighthood by the Roman people, 
with the grace of the Holy Ghost. And when we 
are thus knight of the Holy Ghost we have arranged 

s to be crowned, on the festival of the glorious Virgin 
Mary in the same month, with the tribunitian laurel 
which tribunes of ancient times were wont to assume. 
Likewise we shall not fear to imitate the customs of 
those who, though promoted to office from the 

10 plow, returned again to the plow when their admin- 
istration was ended. 

Do you inform the reverend father. Lord R. [inaldi] 
of the sons of Orsini, the notary of the lord pope, con- 
cerning all these things, for he has written to us very 

IS much, and we have not as yet had a chance to write 
back to him. But do you excuse us to him that, if 
we do not now write to him, it is because of the press 
of the coming event. 

Do you also, dearest, strive to hasten your return, 

20 for we are providing for you an honorable and good 
office, since you know that we do not easily, neither 
by simony, by prayers, nor other extraneous influ- 
ence, accept officials, but we promote to office men 
of proven worth on the basis of virtue. 

25 Dated at the Capitol, where we flourish with up- 

1 In the days of the Roman Empire the "Feriae Augusti" were 

celebrated on the first day of August. Later the Christian Church 

held the festival of St. Peter on the same day. The chains with 

which Peter was supposed to have been held captive were publicly 

30 exhibited on this day. 

14 195 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

right heart in a rule of justice, on the fifteenth day 
of July, fifteenth Indiction, in the first year of the 
liberated repubUc, 
5. Vita Anonymi di Cola di Rienzo {Anonymous 

5 Life of Cola di Rienzo). 

We are going to describe the manner in which 
Nicholas received the knighthood. When, accord- 
ing to general opinion, everything had turned out 
favorably for himself, and when he had without 

10 obstacle and in peace assumed the rule which he had 
wished for, he aspired to the honorable rank of 
knight. On the evening of the festival of the 
Blessed Virgin Mary, about the middle of August, 
he was made Knight of the Bath.^ The ceremony 

IS was conducted in this manner. In the first place, he 
made arrangements for the feast to be given in con- 
nection with the ceremony in the Pontifical Palace 
and in the adjacent houses of the Church of St. John 
on the Lateran. Tables were made from the fioor- 

20 work and wooden inclosures of the homes of the 
barons of the city. Many days before the feast he 
had these same tables set in the ancient hall of the 
old Palace of Constantine, in the Papal Palace, and 
in the New Palace, to the wonder and amazement of 

25 ^ The bath of knighthood was not an unusual procedure in the 
installation of Roman officials. In 1326 two nobles of the Colonna 
and Orsini families were compelled to take such a bath in rose- 
water, and were then raised to their new offices by the people. The 
title of Knight of the Bath has many parallels in the history of 

30 chivalry. 

196 



The Coronation of Cola di Rienzo 

all. In order to provide more commodious en- 
trances and exits for the wooden ladders which he 
had ordered built so that the food might be con- 
veniently carried in from the kitchen, he had some 

s of the walls of these old palaces cut down. In 
one comer of the halls he had a wine cellar pre- 
pared. 

Then on the vigil of the feast of St. Peter ad 
Vincula, at the ninth hour, the whole city, men and 

10 women alike, thronged under the colonnades at the 
Temple of St. John and sought a standing place, 
each for himself. The people filled the pubHc roads 
to see this ceremony. Soon there came an innu- 
merable host of men of various nations and peoples, 

15 all mounted. Barons, magistrates of the city, and 
officials of the forum, each garbed in silks and bear- 
ing standards, were mounted upon horses from whose 
chests hung tinkling bells and which pranced about 
in amusing fashion. They were followed by clowns 

20 and pantomimists without number who kept up a 
continual din with horns, trumpets, pipes, and little 
trumpets. After these came the wife and mother of 
the tribune accompanied by several worthy ma- 
trons for the sake of dignity. Two youths of comely 

25 appearance preceded the wife of Nicholas and held 
the gold-painted bridle of her noble horse. Then 
with a loud flare of silver trumpets and the sound 
of many flutes there came a band of horsemen, who 
flashed their spears sportively as they rode. Among 

197 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

these the Cornetani and the Perusini excelled the 
rest. Then came the tribune with the vicar of the 
pope clinging to his side. Before the tribune rode 
a man holding in his hand an unsheathed sword, 

s while yet another carried a banner, which he held 
over the head of the tribune. Nicholas, bearing in 
his hand a steel scepter and surrounded by an at- 
tendance of many nobles, was garbed in a silken 
cloak of wonderful whiteness embroidered by needle 

10 with golden twisted threads. 

Toward evening of that day he ascended to the 
chapel of Pope Boniface and addressed the people, 
saying, "Let it be known to you that this very night 
I shall receive the ornaments of knighthood. To- 

is morrow when you return I shall explain to you some- 
thing which will be pleasing to the Power in Heaven 
and to men on Earth." In a throng so large and of 
such a character there were no quarrels among the 
armed men. Not even murmurs arose: the minds 

ao of all were filled with joy. Even when two men 
had provoked each other with angry words and had 
drawn their swords, they did not come to blows, 
but sheathed their steel and turned peacefully to 
their own affairs. People had flocked to this cele- 

35 bration from the nearby towns, nay even the old 
men, girls, widows, and wives. 

When all had left, the clerk solemnly read the mass, 
and when he was through the tribune proceeded 
into the bath. There in the precious font of stone 

198 



The Coronation of Cola di Rienzo 

which the emperor Constantine used/ he was 
sprinkled with water. This doubtless afforded all 
an opportunity for admiration, but also for saying 
many things. Then the tribune was girt with a 

s sword by the lord Vico Scotto, a knight, citizen of 
Rome, after which ceremony he went to sleep on a 
magnificent bed within the circle of colimins in that 
place which is called the Font of St. John. Here he 
lay throughout the night. And I have heard of a 

10 strange omen. When the tribune had climbed into 
that bed which had just recently been built with 
every necessary prop, a part of it suddenly fell to 
earth and so remained during the whole silent night. 
With the coming of the day he arose and was 

IS adorned with a beautiful cloak trimmed with leopard's 
fur. The sword with which Vico Scotto had girded 
him he wore at his side, while on his heels were 
golden spurs. With these insignia of knighthood he 
proceeded again into public. The City of Rome and 

20 all the knighthood flocked to the Temple of St. 
John. Barons, pleaders, and citizens all were there 
to see lord Nicholas, son of Lawrence, the knight. 
Lord Nicholas as a knight, surrounded by a famous 
following, was present at the most solemn sacrifice 

25 of the mass which was celebrated in the chapel of 

^ There was an unfounded legend that Constantine had been 
baptized and miraculously cured of his leprosy by Pope Sylvester. 
The stone basin in which this is believed to have occurred still 
stands in the Baptistry of the Church of St. John in Rome. 

199 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

Pope Boniface. All the ornaments were displayed, 
while up in a gallery a band played music. The 
celebration went on as follows. The tribune ap- 
peared before the people, and in a loud voice said, 

s "We summon the Lord Pope Clement to betake 
himself back to Rome, his own seat." Then he 
summoned the college of cardinals, likewise Lewis of 
Bavaria^ and the electors of the German emperor, 
and said, "Let them come and show by what right 

10 they choose an emperor." For he found it written 
that after the lapse of a certain time the right of 
election reverts to the hands of the Roman people. 
When he had finished the summons, he immediately 
despatched couriers with letters to this effect. Then, 

IS drawing his sword and slashing the air through the 
three directions of the earth, he said, "This is mine; 
this is mine; this is mine." 

To all of these acts the vicar of the pope was a 
witness, tolerating each like a fool or an idiot. He 

20 did not seem to know the meaning of it all and seemed 
stupefied at the strangeness. Nevertheless, he pro- 
tested. With the voice and strength of the notary 
who accompanied him, he denounced it publicly, 
saying, "These things which the tribune has done, 

25 he has perpetrated not only without the will and 

1 Ludwig of Bavaria, who had been elected by the princes of 

Germany as their king and had been crowned emperor by the 

Roman people, had been excommunicated by the pope, and Charles 

of Bohemia had been chosen king in 1346. Hence the crime of 

30 Rienzo in calling him Duke of Bavaria. 

200 



The Coronation of Cola di Rienzo 

knowledge of the vicar, but also without the assent 
of the pope." Then he asked the notary to make 
public the text of the written denunciation. While 
the notary was raising his voice to make the protest 

5 of the vicar known to the people, the lord Nicholas 
ordered the trumpeters, flute players and cornetists 
to strike up the sounds of their instruments that by 
this greater noise he might prevent the lesser strength 
of the notary's voice from being heard. In this way 

10 the lone voice of the notary was confused and over- 
come by the overwhelming noise of the musicians. 
In fact, there was a sly laugh of derision. 

When these things were thus being done, the mass 
was brought to an end. It is worthy of observation 

IS that on that day from dawn till evening there flowed, 
without ceasing, red wine through the right, water 
through the left opening of the nostrils of the bronze 
horse of Constantine. Leaden pipes had been pre- 
viously prepared for this purpose. All the youths, 

20 citizens, and visitors alike who were thirsty gathered 
around and drank joyfully and festively. The fact 
that the tribune had bathed in the font of Constan- 
tine and had summoned the pope left the people 
very undecided as to just what to make of his 

25 actions. Some blamed Nicholas for rashness, others 
for haste, still others for foolhardiness. 

He, however, together with most of the nobles, 
repaired to the tables, sumptuously laden with a 
great variety of foods and the best of wines. At the 

20I 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

marble table, which is the pontifical table, the lord 
Nicholas and the papal vicar ate alone. The old hall 
of St. John was everywhere filled with tables. The 
wife of the tribune and the other women had their 

s feast in the hall of the new pontifical palace. The 
feast was characterized by a scarcity of water rather 
than of wine, and it was free to any one who cared 
to eat. No particular order was observed in the 
seating of the guests, abbots, clerics, merchants, 

10 and others all being seated at the same table. There 
was a supply of sweetmeats there to suit varied 
tastes; starHngs, the most delicious of fish; pheasants 
and kid. No one was forbidden to carry home the 
remains of the feast if they so desired. The legates 

15 who had come from the different cities to see the 
tribune were invited to the feast, in the course of 
which one of the crowd of mimics, dressed in the 
hide of a bull and looking not unlike one, cavorted 
around. When the feast was at an end, Cola, 

20 dressed in his cloak trimmed with leopard skins 
and accompanied by a large body of horsemen, re- 
turned to the Capitol. This was done with unusual 
silence because the tribtme had so ordered it at his 
assumption of knighthood. He had constructed for 

25 himself a chest at the top of which was an opening, 
and which had never since been of use to any one. 
Besides, he has made a beautiful cap, set with 
pearls, at the top of which there appeared a little 
dove of pearls. Such faults of various kinds opened 

202 



The Coronation of Cola di Rienzo 

up the chasm for Cola and hastened him to per- 
dition. 

Such was the end of Cola di Rienzo, who had 
made himself tribune augustus and defender of the 

s Roman people. In his chamber they found a steel 
mirror, very highly polished and engraved with many 
characters and figures, within which he held an evil 
spirit enticed from Hell. Besides this they found 
a writing table on which he had written the names of 

10 Romans and the tribute which he had decided to 
levy upon them. Upon loo men of the first rank he 
had set a tribute of 500 florins ; upon 100 of the second 
rank 400 florins; of the third class 100 florins; of the 
fourth class 50; and of the fifth class 10 florins. In 

IS the present year of our Lord, 1354, on the 8th day 
of September of the 3d hour, Nicholas was killed 
by the wrath of the people. The visitors and 
foreigners allied with him were despoiled of their 
goods, their arms, and their horses. Those who were 

20 in Rome at the time and the others stationed for 
fighting purposes in the fortress just outside the 
City were sent away stripped of their possessions. 
6. Citation of the German Emperor and Electors 
(August I, 1347). 

2s To the honor and glory of the highest God the 
Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, and of the blessed 
apostles Peter and Paul, of St. John the Baptist, in 
whose most holy temple we received baptism, in the 

203 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

font forsooth of the most holy prince of glorious 
memory, the lord Constantine, the most Christian 
and august emperor; also the glorious bath of 
knighthood, with the effulgent title of the Holy 

5 Ghost, whose unworthy servant and knight we are. 

We, candidate of the Holy Ghost, knight Nicholas, 

stem and clement, liberator of the City, zealot of 

Italy, lover of the world and tribune augustus, 

wishing and desiring that the gift of the Holy Ghost 

10 be received and increased in the city as well as 
throughout all Italy, and we imitating, as much as 
we are permitted by God, the good will, kindness, and 
liberality of the ancient Roman princes, make known 
to all, that long ago, after we had assumed the office 

15 of tribune, the Roman people learned again on the 
advice of each and all the judges, wise men and 
advocates of the City that it still has that authority, 
power, and jurisdiction in the whole world which it 
had in the beginning and which it had when the 

20 aforesaid city was at its height; and it has ex- 
pressly revoked all privileges made to the prejudice 
of such right, authority, power, and jurisdiction. 

We, therefore, on account of the ancient author- 
ity, power, and jurisdiction and the present power 

2S granted to us by the Roman people in public par- 
Hament and by our Lord, the highest pontiff, recently, 
as is manifest from his public and apostolic bulls, in 
order that we may not seem to the Roman people as 
well as to the aforesaid people of sacred Italy in any 

204 



The Coronation of Cola di Rienzo 

way ungrateful or avaricious of the grace of the Holy 
Ghost, and that we may not through negligence 
permit the rights and jurisdiction of the Roman 
people to be further lost, do with the authority and 

5 grace of God and the Holy Ghost and in every way, 
right, and form, decree, declare, and pronounce the 
holy Roman City, the capital of the world and the 
foundation of the Christian faith, and the states of 
Italy, one and all, to be free. We have and do give 

10 the same the security of full liberty, and the indi- 
vidual peoples of the whole sacred Italy we decree to 
be free. And from now on we make, declare, and 
pronoimce all the aforesaid peoples and citizens of 
the cities of Italy Roman citizens, and we wish them 

15 to enjoy the privilege of Roman liberty in addition. 

Likewise, with the same authority of God and the 

Holy Ghost, and of the aforesaid Roman people, we 

say, confess, and also declare that the election of the 

Roman Emperor, the jurisdiction and monarchy of 

20 the entire holy empire pertains to that beloved city 
and its people and also to the whole sacred Italy; 
that to them it has devolved legitimately for many 
causes and reasons which we will cause to be de- 
clared in their place and time. For one and all the 

25 prelates, emperors elect and electors, kings, dukes, 
princes, counts, margraves, people, associations, and 
any others, who are in particular or in common of any 
prominence whatsoever, who wish to gainsay this 
or pretend authority and power in the aforesaid 

205 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

election and in the empire itself, we assign and fix 
in these writings, the period from now to the feast 
of the Pentecost, next to be, that within the said 
limit of time they should appear with their claims 
before us and other officials of the lord pope and the 
Roman people in the beloved City and the sacrosanct 
Church of the Lateran: otherwise, we shall proceed 
onward from the aforesaid limit according to right 
and as the Holy Ghost shall minister. And none the 
less, in addition to all the aforesaid, we do cause to 
be cited in particular the illustrious princes mentioned 
below, the lord Ludwig of Bavaria, the lord Charles, 
King of Bohemia, who assert that they are emperors 
of the Romans; the lord duke of Bavaria, the lord 
duke of Austria, the lord margrave of Brandenbiu"g, 
the lord archbishop of Mainz, the lord archbishop of 
Treves, the lord archbishop of Cologne, the lord duke 
of Saxony; that they should appear personally be- 
fore us and the other officials of the lord our pope 
and of the Roman people in the said city and place 
within the aforesaid limit of time; otherwise, we will 
proceed as is stated above, their absence and refusal 
to appear notwithstanding. . . . 

In the fifteenth Indiction, on the first day of 
August, the aforesaid were made pubHc before 
the Roman people and approved by that people 
present in the court of the Church of the Lat- 
eran, in the presence of the lord vicar of the lord 
pope. . . . 

206 



The Coronation of Cola di Rienzo 

7. Letter of Rienzo to Clement VI. (July 27-August 

5, 1347)- 
. . . And after I have received the knighthood, 
I am arranging on the festival of Holy Mary in the 

s month of August to be crowned with the tribunitian 
laurel which was wont in ancient times to be given 
to the tribunes as a mark of honor. And just as 
it was no disgrace for them who had been promoted 
to honors from the plow to return to the plow when 

10 their administration was at an end, so I will not be 
ashamed to return to my writing tablet as before. 
But I desire your holiness to know that as I know 
my shoulders are feeble for the burden of so great 
an office, a burden which is ever increasing, I have 

IS already twice proposed in full council that the office 
of this administration should end with one term 
of three months and that a new official should be 
placed in that office, urging this for many reasons 
and because many citizens might then become 

20 worthy by practice in offices of this kind. Yet, most 
holy father, all at that council, this one tearing his 
clothes, another with eyes flowing in tears, another 
disfiguring his face with his nails, all shouted together 
for grief, "We will die, every one of us, before we will 

25 have any other administration than yours. For we 
have by our destruction and servitude experienced 
the quality of another regime sufficiently, and it is 
apparent to our eyes that the Holy Ghost is working 
so many miracles in this City through yours that 

207 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

we are and will live in such days in justice, peace, 
and the sweetest liberty." Therefore, most holy 
father, I must remain to do with thought and deed 
whatever my devotion for the obedience and honor 

5 of the holy church and your most clement holiness 
may be able to do. And I suppHcate you in reverence 
that you may deem it worthy before God to com- 
mand your present and future ofEcials in the Patri- 
mony and Campagna to remain constant in law and 

10 virtue and not permit themselves against this condi- 
tion to be deceived by the wiles and blandishments 
of the Roman magnates who are eager to absorb 
your beloved city. For, yesterday, the captain of 
the Patrimony who was aiding the enemy of God 

IS and the church against the city and its present 
condition died suddenly just as if, nay assuredly, 
God were the avenger and the Blessed Apostles 
Peter and Paiil, whose cause is involved, cooperated. 
And I believe without doubt and with a most certain 

20 hope in God, whose judgments are hidden, every one 
will fare thus who presumes to oppose this holy con- 
dition . . . 

Most Holy Father and most Clement Lord, — 
And since the sending of these letters has been de- 
25 layed by the tardiness of the messenger after they 
had been dated, I make known to your holiness that 
on the Calends of August, the pontifical and imperial 
day, in the Church of the Lateran, the Holy Ghost 

2o8 



The Coronation of Cola di Rienzo 

deigned to promote me, though unworthy, to 
knighthood at the hands of all the prelates of the 
City and also of the knights of that beloved City and 
of the syndics of the City, of Tuscany and the neigh- 

5 boring cities; that, in the stone font in which Con- 
stantine was baptized, I received the bath of knight- 
hood; that in an assembly of all the people of the 
city and countless men of other cities, as it proceeds 
from the Holy Ghost, I received to the citizenship 

10 of the City all the cities of Tuscany with the con- 
sent of your venerable vicar in the city who assisted 
us in everything; and, that in a general edict, I 
cited one and all the elected, electors, and whoever 
else pretended to any right in the election of the 

15 Roman Empire and in the Empire itself to appear 
in the City with their claims before your vicar and 
myself and the Roman people before the festival 
of the Pentecost next to be; otherwise, procedure 
will be taken in the business of the election itself, as 

20 shall be according to the law. Since, however, the 
respectable and piu-e providence of the Holy Ghost 
has induced me to make such a citation, in order 
that such disturbance of the elected and electors 
may create an uncertainty of strength among them, 

25 and the very uncertainty itself force them to recur 
to the hol}'^ Roman Church and your holiness with 
greater reverence, nay more, that they may regard 
God, the said see, and your holiness more devoutly 
and reverently and that the unholy clash of armed 

209 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

men, and most savage shedding of Christian blood 
may end and peace flourish everywhere, the especial 
and honorable message of the ambassadors of your 
Roman people and mine is being sent to your holiness, 

5 to the kings of the Franks and Enghsh and to every 
other king of the Catholic faith, to the prominent 
dukes and princes as well as to the aforesaid elected 
and electors. For I shall continue to do all things 
with reverence and honor for your hoUness, and from 

10: these I shall not desist as long as I have life. And 
with the aid of the Holy Ghost a certain hope warns 
me that, in the Jubilee year of the Lord, yoiur hoH- 
ness will be in Rome and the Emperor with you, 
that there will be one flock and one shepherd, through 

IS the unity of the same grace of the Holy Ghost. For 
the rest, since the wide-spread favor of the Holy 
Ghost has within a few days freed and enlarged the 
republic under my administration, and my humble 
self was, on the Calends of the aforesaid August, 

20 promoted to knighthood, the name and title of 
Augustus, as it is below written, has been assigned 
to me. 

Dated as above on the fifth day of August. 

The humble creature, candidate of the Holy 

25 Ghost . . . 

And since for a detailed account of the things which 
the Spirit of the Lord is doing for the growth of this 
office, a secretary does not suffice and the amount 
of one leaf yields to the magnitude of the affair, I, 

2IO 



The Coronation of Cola di Rienzo 

your humble little servant and creature, dare with 
friendly and domestic assurance write to your 
holiness on a supplementary leaf, and I desire you to 
know that, at the festival when knighthood was con- 

s ferred upon my humble self, by the grace of the 
Holy Ghost, ambassadors of Florence, Sienna, 
Perugia, and of all the great cities of Italy met 
in the City. I [cultivated] them through eagerly 
sought rings as a sign of love and charity and for 

10 the strengthening of perpetual unity under the faith, 
reverence, and honor of the holy mother of Church 
and of you. I also conferred these standards upon 
the cities mentioned below, namely: upon the city 
of Perugia the standard of the emperor Constantine, 

15 of happy memory ; upon Sienna a standard of liberty ; 
upon Florence a standard of Italy; upon Todi a 
standard of my name ; [each standard] being received 
with the greatest alacrity by the ambassadors above 
mentioned. . . . 

20 ... for whatever may be done, has been done 
and will be done in the future, it is and will be to 
the honor and praise of your holiness and the exalta- 
tion of the Church, imder whose reverence I humbly 
walk, and devoutly advance to do in every single 

25 thing as the Holy Ghost shall grant. . . . 

8. Giovanni Villani: Historia Universalis (Universal 
History) . 
In this year, 1347, on the 20th day of May, the 
day of the Pentecost — there having returned to Rome 
15 211 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

one Niccolaus di Rienzo, who had gone to the court 
of the pope for the Roman people to plead that he 
[the pope] with his court should come back to stay 
at the Seat of St. Peter as he ought, and the pope 

s having given' good but vain promises — they sum- 
moned a parliament in Rome to which many people 
had congregated, and in which he [Cola] made known 
his mission with pleasing and ornate words hke one 
who was master of rhetoric. And as he had arranged 

10 with certain of the leaders of the plebeians, with a 
shout he was made tribune of the people. . . . 

. . . And from the present government which had 
been made he took the rule and office entirely from 
the nobility of Rome and its vicinity and caused 

IS some of the chief men who had carried on depreda- 
tions in Rome and its vicinity to be captured. He 
caused stem justice to be done, and drove out cer- 
tain of the Orsini and Colonna and the other nobles 
of Rome and all the others who had not already 

20 gone to their lands and castles to escape the wrath 
of the tribune and the people. Their fortresses the 
tribune seized. . . . And in a short time, through 
his stem justice, Rome and the surrounding lands 
were in such a state of security that one could go 

25 about safely there by night and day. He sent 
letters also to all the chief cities of Italy and one to 
our commune with many excellent sayings. And 
then he sent to us five solemn ambassadors who 
glorified themselves, and then our commune, both as 

212 



The Coronation of Cola di Rienzo 

if our city was a child of Rome and an edifice founded 
by the Roman people, and asked for aid for their 
army. To these ambassadors great honor was ac- 
corded; loo knights were sent to the tribune, and 

s more were promised if necessary. The people of 
Perugia sent some. Then on the day of St. Peter 
ad Vincula, namely, the first day of August, as he had 
signified through his letters and ambassadors, he 
was made knight by the syndic of the people of 

10 Rome at the altar of St. Peter: and first, through 
pomp, he bathed at the Lateran in the stone font, 
in that very one in which the emperor Constantine 
bathed when St. Sylvester healed him of leprosy. 
And when the grand banquet and feast of the 

IS knighthood was over and the people had been sum- 
moned, he made a great address, telling how he 
wished to restore all Italy to the obedience of Rome 
in the ancient manner, maintaining the City in its 
liberty and justice. Then he caused certain new 

20 banners which he had made to be brought forth . . . 
and he caused the syndic of the commune of Florence 
to be called forth to take it ; the syndic not appearing, 
he had it placed at the altar upon a staff and said, 
"Verily, they will take it at the time and place," 

25 and many other banners he gave to the syndics of 
the other cities in the neighborhood and vicinity of 
Rome. And on the same day he had the lord of 
Corneto, who had robbed the country around Rome, 
hanged. When this had been done he had, by voice 

213 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

in this parliament and by his letters, cited the 
electors of the empire of Germany and Ludwig of 
Bavaria, he who had been made emperor, and 
Charles of Bohemia, who had recently been made 

s emperor, to come to Rome between that time and 
Pentecost to explain their election and show by what 
right they had had themselves called emperors, and 
the electors to show by what authority they had 
elected them. And then he had brought forth and 

10 made public certain privileges of the pope as though 
he had a commission from him to do it. We will 
leave for a little while the strange and grand under- 
takings of the new tribune of Rome, to all of which 
we can come back in time (provided that his signory 

IS and rank have power), as well as all that was said 
by the wise and discreet men up to that time to the 
effect that this undertaking of the tribune was a fan- 
tastic work and one of short duration. 
9. Program oj the Coronation oj Cola di Rienzo. 

20 The coronation of the tribune proceeded as fol- 
lows : The first crown was of oak, and was presented 
by the prior of the Lateran Church, with the words, 
"Accept this crown of oak, since you preserve the 
citizens from death." 

2S The second crown was of ivy, and was presented 

by the prior of the Church of St.;^Peter, with the 

words, "Accept this crown of ivy, since you love 

religion." 

The third crown was of myrtle, and was presented 

214 



The Coronation of Cola di Rienzo 

by the deacon of the Church of St. Paul, with the 
words, "Accept this crown of myrtle, since you 
cherish your office and learning, and hate avarice." 

The fourth crown was of laurel, and was presented 
s by the abbot of St. Lawrence beyond the Walls, 
with the words, "Accept this laurel, since you cherish 
your office and learning, and hate avarice."^ 

The fifth crown was of olive, and was presented by 
the prior of the Church of Maria Maggiore, with the 
10 words, "Humble sir, accept this crown of olives, since 
you overcome pride with humility." 

The sixth crown was of silver. It, together with a 
scepter, was presented by the prior of the Church of 
the Holy Spirit on the Rocks, with the words, "Trib- 
15 une Augustus, accept the gifts of the Holy Spirit, 
with the crown and scepter. Accept also the spiritual 
crown." 

The apple, however, was presented by Lord God- 
frey, a soldier, with the words, "Tribune Augustus, 
20 accept this apple and cultivate justice ; grant liberty 
and peace." Then he kissed him. 

The vicar of the lord of Ostia disposed of the 

crowns. The silver crown the archbishop of Naples 

did not permit to be carried away. 

25 Throughout the ceremony the aforesaid tribune 

had by his side a beggar dressed in rags, as a token 

* The original passage contains the same formulas for the giving 
of both the third and the fourth crowns, which is probably a mistake 
of the copyist. 

215 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

of his humility, asserting that it was an ancient 
custom of the Roman emperors when they returned 
in triumph to endure patiently whatever tatmts or 
gibes any one might cast at them that day. 
SIC. Letter of Clement VI. to the Papal Legate (August 

21, 1347)- 
After this, however, before the letters we have 
mentioned reached them, the aforesaid bishop and 
Cola directed messengers and ambassadors to us, 

10 humbly beseeching us that we should deign to con- 
firm in the office of tribune, or grant them a new 
office of this kind. While we were deliberating 
with our brethren as to what ought to be done in this 
matter, we learned from the intimation and accounts 

IS of many people that the aforesaid Cola, not content 
with the title of rector which we had given him, 
styled himself tribune. Moreover, it was said that 
on the first day of the Calends of August just passed 
he took the girdle of knighthood with several fellow 

20 citizens. At the same time he fixed the day of the 
Assumption of the Blessed Mary just passed but 
then to come, for the coronation with the laurel with 
which he asserted the tribunes were wont to be 
crowned in ancient days. To such a coronation he 

25 had called the syndics of all the cities and important 
places of Italy; and furthermore had already begun 
to strike off a new coin and to make many other 
innovations. Among these he is said to have 
directed various decrees to some communities and 

216 



The Coronation of Cola di Rienzo 

individuals on the lands of the church, and to have 
imposed unaccustomed taxes upon them, from which 
it seems that he is drawing them away from the 
dominion of the aforesaid church and is making the 
5 wealth of Rome subject to himself. . . . 
II. Letter of Rienzo to Clement VI. (August 15-31, 

1347)- 
Most Holy Father and most Merciful Lord, 
— That through craftiness of deceitful tongues, from 

10 which even a prophet would fain be delivered, your 
clemency — hitherto not easy if not, as I think, im- 
possible to be turned from me by fallacious words, 
since it is written that we are not to believe every- 
thing heard — ^may not hold me suspected, notwith- 

15 standing the known proofs of my purity, this present 
letter is sent to your holiness. It is sent to declare 
the truth, to oppose falsehood, and to repel the craft 
of any person who darts arrows from his sharp 
tongue, like a sword, and whose innate and inveterate 

20 vice renders him unworthy not only of all dignity in 
the state, but also of being received into the court 
of your holiness. 

Your holiness will have known that on the festival 
of the most Blessed Virgin Mary, in this present 

25 month of August, your humble servant received 
from the hands of the preceptor of the Hospital 
of the Holy Ghost, and of the vicars of the cathedral 
churches of the city, the . , . laurel Crown which 
was wont of old to be given to the tribunes, and 

217 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

which consisted of six crowns, five of which were of 
natural leaves, given according to an old Roman 
custom to persons who had advanced the common- 
wealth, and the sixth of silver not exceeding the 

5 value of five gold florins ; and that, after taking the 
above six crowns, I received also from the hands of 
the syndic the apple, the ensign of the army of 
the Roman people; all of which, in devout mem- 
ory of the six gifts of the Holy Ghost, I cher- 

10 ished as a token of His bounty, and in acknowledg- 
ment of my reverence for the most holy Roman 
church and for your holiness. And in the reception 
of these there was no understanding of perpetual 
authority or infraction of power. In the full public 

IS assembly, and with the assent of the whole Roman 
people, very many of the syndics of all the cities 
of Tuscany, brothers in Christian zeal, and all those 
of the cities which give titles to the cardinals, were 
not only freed from all vassalage as to their property, 

20 but were declared by me Roman citizens, and were 
brought back to your authority, and to that of my 
lords the cardinals, whose rights had received mani- 
fest injury in consequence of the inimical nobles of 
this, your city. Also that no emperor, or king, or 

25 prince, or marquis, or any other under whatever 
title may dare to put foot in Italy without the 
special license of your holiness, or of the Roman 
people; to which I was induced by that pure and 
holy faith which I bear to the church, and by the 

2lS 



The Coronation of Cola di Rienzo 

desire of peace and of the quiet of Italy and of the 
kingdom at large. 

Likewise that no one may for the future dare to 
mention the detested names of Guelf and Ghibelline, 

5 but, laying aside all party distinctions, assert and 
acknowledge their . . . loyalty to the holy church 
in unity and peace. All of which and the other 
things done by me, if there be anything that can 
be esteemed contrary to the holy church, seeing 

10 that they proclaim and preach universal peace, I 
leave to the judgment of your holiness. I desire 
anxiously and unfeignedly that your holiness would 
deign to send hither some man of God to discuss and 
inquire into all those things which I have done by the 

IS will of your Roman people; and if the said man shall 
find any of that evil in me with which I am charged I 
do oblige myself, under any penalty, to be punished 
without mercy according to the justice of your 
holiness. Nor let it be unknown to your clemency 

20 that I am now proceeding with an army against the 
enemy of the church and of yourself, Nicholas Gar- 
tanus, formerly count of Fondi, and have already 
sent before me Angelo Malabreme, the chancellor of 
the city, to make an incursion into the lands of the 

25 said count, with 400 knights well arrayed for battle, 
with the grace and power of the Holy Spirit, besides 
1,200 other horsemen with slingers, and an infinite 
number of other soldiers, who, as I hope, will easily 
tread him under foot, so that he shall never rise 

219 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

again. Of which army I have appointed John, the 
son of Stephen Colonna, prince of the soldiery. 
Because there is commencing a scarcity in those 
parts, although moderate, I have and, so far as I 
s am able, am providing a remedy, by enacting that 
grain shall be imported from Sicily and from other 
countries, and by ordaining that many lands of our 
Roman districts, the greater part of which have lain 
uncultivated, shall now again be sown, for I am aware 

10 that otherwise this scarcity may increase, owing to 
the granting of the Jubilee, which will bring such 
multitudes from all the quarters to Rome, and be- 
cause many have found means to amass and conceal 
the grain . . . 

IS [The rest of the letter is lost.] 

12. Letter of Rienzo to Rinaldo Orsini at Avignon 
(September 17, 1347). 
Reverend Father and most Beloved Friend, — 
Concerning the following matters do you deign to 

20 inform our lord, the highest pontiff, with a recom- 
mendation of me, his humble creature, [as a sup- 
pliant. And we do not omit that all our actions 
after our promotion have been in the service of the 
holy mother church and our lord, the highest pon- 

25 tiff, just as also they will be. Nor is it expedient 
to have any care arise on this score, since it is im- 
possible that we be turned away from this. 

To these charges which are made against us in 
the curia about the bath of knighthood taken in the 

220 



The Coronation of Cola di Rienzo 

stone font of Constantine, we say that the pagan 
Constantine entered the same font and was bathed 
there ; and we beHeved that we, a devout Christian, 
and with tears honorable and virtuous, might be 

5 bathed in the same place at the hands of the vicar 
of the lord — our pope, for the body of our Lord is 
a matter of greater veneration than the font, and yet 
we have taken it frequently and devoutly. 

If we did, with the vicar of the lord, our pope, eat 

10 at his table on which dice were formerly played and 
which has been afterwards always especially honored, 
and we did this with devotion, we do not see that we 
have therefore committed a fault. 

However, what has been charged against us about 

IS the two-edged sword is most false, and all the charges 
which are made against us in the curia we leave to 
God for avengeance. The Roman people, too, hearing 
these frivolous and false charges, have held them in the 
greatest derision, believing nevertheless that this pro- 

20 ceeds from an innate hatred of the nation or at the in- 
vention of those who not only desire to impede the 
status of the City, but are panting to utterly destroy it. 
It is said that we carried on childishly. We answer 
that it is true that we did ptu-ely what is denounced 

25 as puerility: even God commands that the children 
praise him.^ 

1 The translation does not bring out quite fully the play on the 
words "pueriliter, ptire, pueritiam, and pueri," which is contained 
in the original. 

221 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

By the whole of the Roman Province it is re- 
garded as a matter of wonder that the Roman curia 
should be agitated about such things, and they say : 
"Would that our most holy lord and lord cardinals 
s would see the church and the whole world in such 
good disposition and peace that they did not have 
to deal with more serious troubles." Finally we are 
proceeding in every single matter as the grace of the 
Holy Spirit directs our footsteps and disposes our 

10 acts in accordance with His will. Concerning the 
Jubilee, however, the Romans are not so very eager, 
because much labor must be done therefor. 

We ask, likewise, all the clergy and all the people 
to pour forth devout and continual prayers to the 

15 Holy Ghost, that the Holy Ghost may deign to open 
and fill the heart of our lord, the highest pontiff, 
and the lord cardinals so that they select and place 
first in pure affection the fostering City filled with 
the bodies of the Saints and returned to justice, 

20 Hberty, and peace, in preference to the city of Avignon 
deprived of participation in the bodies of the Saints — 
would that it were not of the cultivation of virtues. 
13. Letter of Rienzo to the City oj Florence (September 

19. 1347)- 

25 The Candidate of the Holy Ghost, the Knight 

Nicholas, etc. . . . 

Not without the inspiration of the same Holy 

Ghost we, therefore, desiring to know again the 

rights of the sacred Roman people, have, with the 

222 



The Coronation of Cola di Rienzo 

mature consideration of those skilled in both laws, 
the judges of the entire college of the City, and very 
many others wise in the councils of sacred Italy, who 
knew through having turned over, discussed, and 

s examined the expressed laws more frequently with 
proper comparison of opinions, said "That the sen- 
ate and people of Rome have that authority and 
jurisdiction in the whole world which it formerly had 
in ancient times when it was at the height of its 

10 power, and that it can now interpret, temper, revoke, 
change, add to, and diminish the rights and laws, and 
can likewise declare and do all things as formerly, 
and can also revoke whatever has been done by law 
itself to its hurt and prejudice, and that this stood 

IS revoked by that very fact." When these matters 
had been discussed and known, and all, senate, 
magnates, men of consular rank, satraps, bishops, 
abbots, priors, all the clerks of the City and all the 
people had assembled at the sacred Lateran Palace 

20 in most full and solemn parliament, by the authority 
of this same people and in every way and right by 
which we could better proceed according to law, we 
declared revoked, according to the unanimous will 
of the entire same Roman people, all the authority, 

25 jurisdiction, and power which the senate and people 
of Rome had and could have, and all alienation, 
cession, concession, and transference of offices, 
dignities, powers, imperial and any other authority, 
given by the senate and people of Rome to whatever 

223 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

men, clergy and lay, of whatever condition, and like- 
wise of whatever nation they are, and these offices, 
dignities, powers, imperial and whatsoever other 
authority, and former and ancient rights of the same 
5 Roman people we restored to ourselves and the 
aforementioned people. We also caused to be cited 
him who conducts himself as duke of Bavaria and 
lord Charles, illustrious king of Bohemia, who calls 
himself king of the Romans, as it is said, and, like 

10 the preceding, other particular individuals, the elect 
as well as the electors, by name, and one and all 
emperors, kings, dukes, princes, margraves, prelates, 
and any others, clergy as well as laymen, who pre- 
tended to any right in the election of the empire 

IS itself, and who had caused various displeasures and 
errors to the detriment of the City, and the whole 
sacred Italy, and to the subversion of the whole 
Christian faith. [These we cited] to appear in the 
City and sacred palace of the Lateran on or before 

20 the festival of the Pentecost next to be, in person or 
through their legitimate representatives before us 
and the Roman people, and strive to compare all 
their claims in the above mentioned election and 
empire against the revocation itself: otherwise we 

25 shall proceed in the business of such revocation and 
of the aforesaid imperial election as shall be accord- 
ing to right, their refusal to appear notwithstanding. 
And in order that the gifts and favor of the Holy 
Ghost may be shared by all the Italians, from 

224 



The Coronation of Cola di Rienzo 

ancient times brothers and sons of the sacred Roman 
people, we have made one and all the citizens of the 
states of sacred Italy Roman citizens, and we admit 
them to the election of the empire which has devolved 

5 rationally upon the sacred Roman people. And we 
have decreed that the election is to be conducted in 
the City with solemnity and maturity by the voices 
of twenty-four old electors. Some of these have 
been reserved in the City, the rest we have dis- 

10 tributed through sacred Italy just as it is provided 
in the capitularies and ordinances in regard to this 
matter. We desire, indeed, to renew more firmly 
the ancient union with all the magistrates from the 
cities of sacred Italy and with you. And sacred 

IS Italy now for a long time prostrated, until now torn 
by many quarrels and degraded by those who ought 
to govern her in peace and justice — by those very 
men who have assumed the names of emperor and 
augustus, not fearing to come against their promise, 

20 the name not answering for the accomplishment — 
we desire to free from all its risk of degradation and 
lead it back to its former condition of ancient glory, 
and so to augment it that, having tasted the sweet- 
ness of peace, it may by the grace of the Holy Ghost 

25 flourish better than ever a nation has flourished in 
other parts of the world. For we intend, the Holy 
Ghost granting success, when the aforesaid limit of 
the Pentecost is passed, happily to promote, through 
the sacred Roman people and those to whom we give 

225 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

the votes of the imperial election, some Italian whom 
iinity of race and suitability of nation may induce 
to a zeal for Italy according to the inspiration of the 
Holy Ghost, who has deigned piously to regard sacred 

s Italy itself, so that we may observe the name of 
Augustus which the Roman people, nay with Divine 
inspiration, has granted and assigned, through the 
pleasing action of accompHshed facts. 
14. Letter of Rienzo to Clement VI. (October 11, 1347)- 

10 May Omnipotent God grant me an auditor, and 
may He hear my desire, that my words may not be 
burdensome for your holiness. My discourse is 
with simple heart, and my lips bespeak a pure 
purpose, . . . 

15 Secondly, by the witness of God, who watches my 
ways and numbers all my footsteps, no greed for 
dignity, but the desire for the common good and 
safety of aU the people, led me to assume this ad- 
ministration in which my whole body has been, and 

20 is, fevered without any rest. . . . 

Thirdly, that, inasmuch as it pleases your holiness 
that I be dismissed from this administration through 
the favor of removal, considering holy and just 
whatever is a pleasure and a favor to your hoHness, 

25 I am ready to give up the administration, disposed 
never to go contrary to your best wishes. And 
to this end it is not necessary to fatigue the curia 
and deafen the whole world with legal proceedings; 
for your one least courier would have and will suf- 

226 



The Coronation of Cola di Rienzo 

fice when it shall please you; for God is greater than 
man, and you are greater than the kings and princes 
of the world. It grieves me if the opinion of my 
purity is beguiled; it grieves me if belial actions pre- 

s vail over good works; it grieves me that out of a 
purity of conscience you do not think of the wiles 
of others nor beware of their treachery, but lean to 
those, some of whom are ever seeking to have a 
tyranny rule in the City, while the rest, moved by 

10 a hatred of the nation, wish to destroy the City 
utterly so that the church may never be brought back 
there. Since the reformation of the City demanded 
more elegant provision than the other cities of the 
world, they strive incessantly in many and various 

IS ways to assail my innocence. If I did receive the 
bath of knighthood in the basin in which Constan- 
tine was baptized for which I am blamed, why shall 
that which was allowed a pagan in cleansing him- 
self of leprosy not be allowed to a Christian cleansing 

20 the City and the world of leprosy? And why is a 
stone, that stands in a temple into which it is per- 
mitted and a duty to enter, more holy than the 
temple which confers sanctity to the stone? Why 
is a man with a contrite heart, who is allowed to 

25 take the body of Christ for his salvation, not per- 
mitted to enter a stone font which, too, was held of 
no account through disuse ? As if it seemed to those 
who blame this act that the entrance was made with- 
out devotion, that the font was more noble than the 
16 227 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History- 
very body of our Lord, Jesus Christ, which not only 
I think it a sin to think and believe, but consider 
the thought of an infidel ! And if I am said to have 
added names to myself and amplified my titles, and 

s to have assumed various crowns of leaves, what ref- 
erence does it have to the faith to have renewed the 
ancient Roman names of offices with ancient rites? 
And it is not true that I was chosen [to office] with 
yotu* vicar. Nay, I stood forth chosen alone by all 

10 the people; yea, verily, by the Holy Ghost, who had 
aroused the spirit of a younger boy for the safety 
of the Roman people. Your vicar, however, I 
associated with myself, not of necessity, but for the 
honor and reverence of your most clement holiness; 

IS when his pusillanimity had been discovered and in- 
dulged for many days, the people unanimously re- 
established me alone. Therefore, if God had per- 
mitted me to be promoted to the knighthood and 
crowned with the tribunitian laurel, He knew that 

20 it was not for the empty honor — for I know not how 
long I may live, since a man's life may be ended be- 
tween morning and night — that I assumed the name 
of knight, but only for the office of tribune and 
for the honor of the Holy Ghost by whom it pleased 

25 Him to have my knighthood assigned. This is the 
reason that my insignificant self was promoted to 
that office on the feast of the Pentecost, which is 
rightly the feast of the Holy Ghost ; that I have and 
do wish to ascribe the favor of the administration of 

228 



The Coronation of Cola di Rienzo 

this office to the Holy Ghost; and that in Him, and 
not myself, do I glory, and in the charity of His piety 
am I comforted. 

But the other frivolous charges which scheming 

s tongues fix upon me to my blame, I think it more 
seemly to pass over, for by prudent minds these are 
utterly derided. I do not omit [to say], therefore, 
that if your consideration does and will regard the 
facts of the citation of the princes and the ordina- 

10 tion in your City, you may know clearly that noth- 
ing but good and pure intention moved me; and if, 
in that summons, the Bavarian was called the duke 
of Bavaria, that did not proceed from a malicious 
zeal, since I do and will consider him constantly for 

IS what the holy mother church and your holiness 
consider him. Concerning the lord king of Bohemia, 
you have known if his predecessors have left such a 
memory of their deeds in the City and in all Italy 
that his advent should have been fittingly welcomed. 

20 Nay, through the coming of such an emperor the 
City is now bereft of many houses that were de- 
stroyed; its churches are dilapidated, and their trea- 
sures rapaciously depleted; and at Rome and in all 
Italy strife raged, and murders were numberless. 

25 And Italy is not from experience disposed to tolerate 
so harmful an entrance. . . . 

Because if the meaning and effect of the deeds 
done is inspected, it was fitting that, in the font of 
the most Christian emperor Constantine, first dower 

229 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

of the church, there should bathe another by whose 
righteous constancy the rights of the holy Church 
have been preserved; and just as Constantine was 
purged of leprosy and infideHty, so this one would be 

s ptuged of the vice of tyrants ; as the chiu-ch was en- 
dowed by the former, so it has been freed from its 
oppressors by the latter. And verily, in the land of 
the saints has breathed again the church to whose 
dominion I was desirous to subdue all kings and 

10 princes; and, God granting, so it shall be. Nor did 
this take place without clear miracles and omens; 
and all the crowns of leaves which I received were 
taken from the tritunphal arch of the same Con- 
stantine, and thus it befell that his arch should 

IS have supplied the tribunitian crown whose font had 
served the knighting. . . . 

Therefore legal proceedings based upon frivolous 
charges could not be instituted against me, who did 
and is proceeding against the rebels of the church, 

20 the promoter of liberty, peace, and justice, without 
the amazement, nay, the prostration of soul and mind 
of all the people of the City, of the province of Rome, 
and of all Italy. Likewise, most holy father, I 
beseech that you guard against false prophets, and 

2s that God may grant you to find out happily whether 
the people of Italy or of any other nation have been 
more faithful to the apostoHc see. . . . May your 
holiness therefore consider if it would be to the honor 
of the church to have the City and the province, 

?3Q 



The Coronation of Cola di Rienzo 

which are now free, relapse into their former servi- 
tude. . . . 

Your humble creature, 

NicoLAus, Tribune Augustus. 

5 15. Letter of Clement VI. to the Papal Legate (October 

12, 1347)- 

. . . Although an election of this kind could not 

at all be made without our permission, since we have 

complete dominion in the said city — the aforesaid 

10 people unanimously and heartily granted all the 
offices of the said city as pertain to them, to us, upon 
our promotion to the apex of apostolic dignity, and 
we took them under certain protestations, as you 
know — yet because the said bishop and Nicolaus said 

IS that they had taken this office to our honor and to 
that of the Roman church, and because through 
their administration many boons are said to have 
accrued to the same city, people, and surrounding 
land, we established them as rectors of the afore- 

20 said city and district, to rule according to our good 
pleasure. We did this in the hope that they would 
rule the people in peace, correcting the evils and 
righting the wrongs, and that they would persevere 
peacefully in the cultivation of justice, and that, 

25 showing to us and the same church due reverence 
and devout obedience, they would keep its lands and 
rights imimpaired and protect them with their 
strength. And as the same Nicolaus, not content 
with the office of rector, but using for himself alone 

231 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

the title of^ tribune and various other titles ustu^ped 
by him, has done and is doing unceasingly many 
things against the honor and to the prejudice of this 
same church; and also, as from these excesses of 

s his he has and is rendering the said people, as much 
as is possible, odious to the said chiu-ch and abomi- 
nable to the whole worid, grave trouble can threaten 
them in time, and other things which it shall seem 
to your prudence ought to be said. And let it not 

10 be kept silent how this aforesaid Nicolaus profaned 
by his damnable boldness the stone font in which 
the power of Divine Mercy through St. Sylvester 
regenerated Constantine, of Divine memory, with 
the water of the sacred baptism and miraculously 

15 cleansed him of the contagion of lepers, and which was 
kept in the sanctuary of the venerable church of the 
Lateran with veneration as a sacred object. Into 
this he, filthy with the contagion of his vices and 
forgetful of its original condition, immersed himself 

20 to receive the girdle of knighthood. And do you also 
see to it that he abstain from such depraved acts and 
profane excesses, from occupying and usurping the 
lands and rights against the said church, from im- 
posing unusual burdens upon those subjects, and 

25 also from [offending] against the whole world and 
especially against the said vicar and our beloved 
sons, the nobles of the city, and against our most 
beloved daughter in Christ, Joanna, the illustrious 
queen of Sicily. . . . And in regard to the secret 

232 



The Coronation of Cola di Rienzo 

treaty which he has with our most beloved son in 
Christ, Lewis, the illustrious king of Hungary; in 
regard to the citation of our most beloved son in 
Christ, Charles, illustrious king of the Romans, of 
5 the Electors, princes of the German Empire and of 
Ludwig of Bavaria, reproved by the just judgment of 
God, and the same Church, whom he did not with 
his polluted lips blush to call duke of Bavaria; in 
regard to the laws illegally promulgated by him; 

10 and in regard to the general revocation of previous 
concessions in derogation of the Primacy, as it seems, 
and of the power of the same church which he pre- 
sumed to make in fact, though they had no sub- 
stance; on condition that he solemnly, and by decree, 

IS desires to revoke [these matters], and does other 
things which shall seem necessary to your prudence 
for the correction of so great a fault and transgres- 
sion ; and if he is willing not to go beyond the proper 
bounds but, content with the rule of the same city, 

20 is willing to revoke what has been attempted by 
him, as has been aforesaid, to the prejudice of the 
said church and the world, and to pledge an oath of 
loyalty to us and our successors, do you suffer him to 
remain in the office granted to him by us, either alone 

25 or with the vicar whom he is said to have expelled, 
or with another for the administration of the same 
city. Further, on the condition, as it shall seem ex- 
pedient to you, that you receive from him first [the 
promises] that he will treat the church with due 

233 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

reverence and that he will not presume at all against 
it, its lands, and its rights, in the presence of enough 
cautious bondsmen and others, and with the pro- 
vision that he place himself under sufficient obliga- 
5 tion and agree that from now on a sentence of 
excommunication shall be brought against him which 
he will incur if he attempts anything against his 
promises, though we think and believe very probably 
that his promises will have little strength. But if 

10 he seems to you at all intolerable, deprive him of 
the office of rector, which was granted to him by us, 
as well as of every title usurped by him or granted 
to him though only in fact by the said people, and 
strive to make provision for the city and people with 

IS senators or with the people or with others, just as 
a careful consideration of time and circumstance 
of the affair shall seem to you expedient. For we 
are granting you full power in this matter through 
special apostolic letters which we are sending to 

20 you along with the present letter and which you are 
to use as you shall recognize most effectively. None 
the less, if the aforesaid Nicolaus, fixed in his repre- 
hensible idea, cannot be recalled from his rash pre- 
cipitance and perchance scorns to revoke what he 

as has attempted, to restore the lands occupied by him, 
and to do the other things which shall seem to your 
prudence that he ought to do, it seems expedient to 
us and our brothers that you have the apostolic 
processes and deeds against invaders and holders 

234 



The Coronation of Cola di Rienzo 

of the lands of the Church made public, and though 
you cite him personally, do not defer to commence 
your proceedings against him. But since the same 
Nicolaus is said to have committed and done many 
s things beyond what has been mentioned above, for 
which he can be regarded with the suspicion of heresy, 
see whether you find in him cause for a charge of 
heresy or of aid to heretics, and in that case do not 
fail to proceed against him as a heretic. . . . Finally, 

10 the letters of the Jubilee for the fiftieth year we 
think should be held back for the present rather 
than issued, since we do not know whether the 
aforesaid people will withdraw from that untracta- 
ble man or whether they will follow him in his 

IS errors. But if, leaving him in his errors, they are 
disposed toward and return to the devotion and 
obedience of ourselves and that church, as they are 
bound, we shall quickly despatch letters of that 
import and follow them freely with pleasing fa- 

20 vors and paternal affection in these and other mat- 
ters. 

Dated at Avignon, on the fourth day before the 
Ides of October in the sixth year of our pon- 
tificate. 

25 1 6. Letter of Pope Clement to the People of Rome 
(December 3, 1347). 
. . . Just as is commonly known, and as is gen- 
erally and publicly declared, the aforementioned 
Nicolaus, not content with the office committed to 

23s 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

himself and the aforementioned bishop, but with a 
different mind, impudently assumed various titles. 
Placing your interests last, and neglecting the com- 
mon welfare which this deceitful man pretended to 
s cherish, he covetously drove the bishop from the 
office in which so much greater glory had accrued to 
him as colleague. The bishop, cursing the damnable 
crimes of this Nicolaus, refused to remain in the same 
city. The other, fearing not the spiritual punish- 

10 ments and sentences to which invaders and trans- 
gressors of the land and rights of the church are 
liable, nor fearing the wrath of God against him, 
did not fear to provoke us seriously and extend his 
sacrilegious hands upon the lands and rights of the 

15 Church itself, and to place heavy and unusual taxes 
upon the inhabitants. . . . Wherefore we warn, de- 
mand, and urge you all considerately; we exhort 
you with wholesome and paternal counsel to meditate 
carefully over the things that have been done and 

20 the many others which can occur to your prudent 
consideration. Desist from all support, counsel, aid, 
and favor of this Nicolaus, and leave to his errors 
him whose iniquity crawls like a serpent, spreads 
like an ulcer, and infects like poison. Shun him as a 

25 sick beast that contaminates the whole herd with 
its disease. Persist in reverence and obedience to 
the church, receive its admonitions humbly in your 
wonted manner, and fulfil them effectively. For 
if, as we hope and believe, you persist in obedience 

236 



The Coronation of Cola di Rienzo 

and affection with paternal and sincere devotion 
to us and the aforesaid church, we will reward you 
as spiritual, devoted, and loyal sons of the church, 
with grateful favors and pleasing thanks before the 
s Lord. 



APPENDIX 

A Specimen Report Based on the Narratives 
in Problem III 

To illustrate better the method of working out the 
exercises, question number 3, Problem III, page loi, has 
been outlined and then put in the form that a final report 
might have. 

I. Outline 

What changes were made in the plan of attack during 
the siege? What reasons can be found for such changes? 

I. Original location of the different leaders. 

1. On the north. 

(a) Robert of Normandy {Anonymous, p. 103, 11. 

7-1 1 ; Raymond, p. 115, 11. 18-22). 

(b) Robert of Flanders {Raymond, p. 115, 11. 17, 18; 

Anonymous, p. 103, 11. 11-13). 
Godfrey {Raymond, p. 115, 11. 17, 18). 

2. On the west. 

(a) Godfrey {Anonymous, p. 103, 11. 13, 14). 
Tancred {Anonymous, p. 103, 1. 14). 

(b) Ra5ntnond {Raymond, p. 115, 11. 22-25). 

II. Change of position on the north. 

I. Reasons for the change {Anonymous, p. 106, 11. 22; 
p. 107, 1. s; Raymond, p. 127, 11. 5-12; p. 127, 1, 
27; P- 128,1 5), 

?,39 



Appendix 

2. How the change was made (Anonymous, p. 107, 11. 

1-5; Raymond, p. 127, 11. 12-27; Fulk, p. iii, 1. 
15; p. 112, 1. 5). 

3. Final location {Anonymous, p. 107, 11. 4, 5; Ray- 

mond, p. 127, 11. 17-19). 
III. Rajonond's move to Mt. Zion on the south. 

1. Reasons for this change. 

(a) The real reason (Raymond, p. 115, 11. 25-30). 

(b) The reason assigned (Raymond, p. 116, 11. 4-15). 

2. Evidence of Ra3miond's location on Mt. Zion 

(Anonymous, p. 103, 11. 15, 16; p. 107, 11. 7-9; p. 
108, 1. 6; Ftdk, p. 112, 11. 14-16). 

3. Where Raymond made his final attack (Raymond, 

p. 132, 11. 7-1 1 ; p. 133, 11. 2-5; Anonymous, p. 
108, 11. 12-21; Fulk, p. 113, 11. 19, 20). 

2. Discussion 

Apparently the crusaders were not numerous enough to 
besiege the city on all sides, so they selected what seemed 
to be the most vulnerable places in the fortifications. 
Thus the city was attacked on two sides; on the south 
by Raymond of Toulouse, and on the north by the other 
leaders. 

Robert of Normandy first stationed himself near the 
old chtuch of St. Stephen (Anonymous, p. 103, 11. 7-1 1; 
Raymond, p. 115, 11. 18-22). To the west of this position 
was Robert of Flanders. According to Raymond's ac- 
cotmt (p. 115, 11. 17, 18), Godfrey was also on the north, 
but this may refer to the change of position that was 
made just before the final attack. The Anonymous states 
(p. 103, 11. 13, 14) that Godfrey and Tancred first located 
their camp on the west, probably well to the northwest. 

240 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

The original position of these men and their followers 
probably extended from the center of the northern side 
of the city around the comer to the west. Ra3niiond 
says (p. 115, 11. 22-25) that the count of Toulouse first 
pitched his camp on the west, probably just south of 
Godfrey and Tancred, but the other writers make no 
mention of this. 

AU three writers agree that this first position on the 
northwest was changed (Anonymous, p. 107, 11. 1-5; Ray- 
mond, p. 127, 11. 12-19; Fulk, p. Ill, 1. 15; p. 112, 1. 5). 
The Saracens had so greatly strengthened the wall at this 
point, while the crusaders were constructing their ma- 
chines, that the leaders decided that it would be better to 
attack in another place, where the defenders were not so 
well prepared for the defense. Raymond (p. 127, 1. 17; 
p. 128, 1. 5) further says that the ground was more level 
at the place which was selected for the final attack. 
That this was an important consideration is shown by the 
difficulties that Raymond had in moving his machines up 
close to the wall (Anonymous, p. 108, 11. 6-12). 

The machinery, which had been constructed near the 
location of the first camp, was moved during the night. 
This was a diffictilt piece of work, and in the morning the 
Saracens were greatly surprised to note that the crusaders 
were prepared to attack the wall in a new quarter and 
that they had moved their camp (Raymond, p. 127, 11. 
22-27) Q'S well as their machines. 

The new location was almost a mile from the first posi- 
tion of the army. Raymond says that the northern part 
of the army was located in the space between the church 
of St. Stephen and the valley of Jehosaphat, which is on 
the eastern side of the city. The Anonymous states (p. 
107, 11. 1-5) that the machines and the tower were dragged 

241 



Appendix 

to the eastern side, but he may mean that they were 
moved to the east of the first camp. Our other writer, 
Fulk (p. Ill, 1. 19; p. 112, 1. i), says that the tower was 
moved by night and set up at a corner of the city. It 
would thus seem that the final attack of this wing of the 
army was made on the northeast comer. 

Raymond (p. 115, 11. 22-30) says that the count of 
Totilouse, who had first established his camp on the 
western side of the city, while reconnoitering, decided 
that Mt. Zion was a better position. He decided to move 
his camp, but encoimtered opposition on the part of the 
other leaders. He made the change, but according to his 
chaplain became very unpopular because of his action.^ 
{Raymond, p. 116, 11. 13-23). 

It would seem that the real reason for this change was 
the irregular character of the land to the west, for a ravine 
would have made it difficult to move the siege engines 
close to the walls. However, this was not the reason that 
the coimt gave. According to the story of his chaplain, 
he was so much impressed by the church on Mt. Zion 
and its sacred associations that he became much alarmed 
lest the Saracens should get possession of it and defile it. 
He thus tried to make out that he was really doing a pious 
act in occupying such a holy spot. (See the speech that 
Raymond puts into the mouth of the count, p. 116, 11. 
4-13.) Ra5nnond already had the reputation of being 
more or less of a hypocrite, for he had used the holy lance 
that was found at Antioch to further his own interests. 
Here again he was trying to allay the jealousies of the 
other leaders by trying to convince them that he was 

^This is an evidence of the fear that the other leaders had of 
Raymond's ambition. 

242 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 

guided solely by religious motives. It would seem that 
the other crusaders knew his methods, for eventually he 
was not able to persuade his men to follow him to the 
new location that he had selected for his camp, except 
by bribing them with money. 

Although Raymond is the only writer who says that 
the count of Toulouse first located his camp to the west 
of the city, there is little reason to doubt that his final posi- 
tion was on Mt. Zion {Anonymous, p. 103, 11. 15, 16; p. 107, 
11. 7-9 ; p. 108, 1. 6 ; Fulk, p. 112, U. 14-16). Just what part 
of the wall he attacked is more difficult to determine. 

It would seem likely that Raymond attacked the 
western part of the southern wall, or the southwest 
comer. However, we are told that the tower of David 
was surrendered to him and that "that gate at which the 
pilgrims had always been accustomed to pay tribute" was 
opened (Anonymous, p. 108, 11. 19-21). The gate by the 
tower of David, the David or Joppa gate, which opened on 
the Joppa road, from which port the pilgrims usually came. 
Why Raymond entered by this gate may be explained by 
his failure to force an entrance through the wall before 
the other division of the crusading anny had done so at 
the northwest comer. Moreover, as the gate was opened 
from within, Rajnuond and his men undoubtedly gave up 
their efforts to force their way in at the place where they 
had been working, and sought an easier entrance through 
the western gate. 

17 



INDEX 



Adelaide, Marchioness, 66, 89. 
Adhemar, bishop of Puy, 123, 

133- 

Agnes, empress, mother of Henry 
IV. of Germany, 30, 74. 

Alan of Beccles, 147. 

Albara, bishop of, 126. 

Albert of Stade, 142. 

Albornoz, cardinal, 183. 

Alcuin, 10. 

Amadeus, 45. 

Angelo Malabreme, 219. 

Angers, 148, 150, 151, 164. 

Annals of Augsburg, 33-34; quot- 
ed, 40-41. 

Annales of Dunstable, 142; quot- 
ed, 150. 

Annales Laurissenses, g; quoted, 
13-16. 

A 7inales Laurishamenses, 9 ; 
quoted, 16-18. 

Annales Stadenses, 142; quoted, 
150. 

Anonymi Vita Heinrici IV. Im- 
peratoris, 37; quoted, 81-84. 

Anselm, bishop of Lucca, 73. 

Antioch, 96-97, loo-ioi. 

Archardus of Montemerlus, 105, 
120. 

Arno, Archbishop, 20. 

Arnulf, 36. 

Arnulfi Gesta, 36; quoted, 74- 

75- 
Augsburg, 72-73, 77, 84. 
Augsburg, bishop of, 70. 



Avignon, 177-178, 180, 182, 183. 
Azzo, Margrave, 48, 52. 

Babenberg, bishop of, 51. 

Baldwin, Dvike, 96, 100. 

Basel, 57, 69. 

Beneventians, Pepin's expedi- 
tion against, 13. 

Bernhard, Bishop, 20. 

Bernoldi Chronicon, 36; quoted, 
72-74. 

Bertha, empress, wife of Henry 
IV. of Germany, 30. 

Berthold of Reichenau, 35. 

Bertholdi Annales, 35; quoted, 

56-71. 
Besangon, 44, 64. 
Bethlehem, 122. 
Blanche, queen of France, 159, 

161-162. 
Bohemond, 96, 100. 
Bonitho, bishop of Sutri, 37. 
Bremen, bishop of, 69, 91. 
Bruno, 36-37. 
Brunonis de Bella Saxonico, 36; 

quoted, 75-81. 
Bryce's Holy Roman Empire, 

12. 
Burgundy, 44. 
Byzantine empire, 6, 95. 

Campulus, 22-23. 

Canossa, 33-34, 36-38, 40, 65, 

72, 75, 84, 86, 89, 91. 
Carolingians, recognized defend- 



245 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 



ers of Christianity, 6; his- 
torians of, 8-12. 

Chalons, archdeacon of, 159, 161, 
163. 

Charles of Bohemia, German 
emperor, 179, 182-183, 200, 
206, 214, 224, 233. 

Charles the Fat, 11. 

Charles the Great, crowned, 6; 
15, 17-19, 21; protects Leo 
III., 7, 14, 20; chronicles re- 
lating to, 9-12; journey to 
Rome, 13, 16, 18, 24; reply 
to Byzantine emperor, 25, 26. 

Chronica of Alberic of Tres Pontes, 
142; quoted, 149. 

Chronica Majora, 141. 

Chronicon Anglicanum, 142; 
quoted, 150. 

Chronicon Fiscamense, 142; 
quoted, 151. 

Chronographia of Theophanis, 10; 
quotation from, 18-19. 

Cinis (Mt. Cenis), 45. 

Citation of the German Emperor 
and Electors, 18^; quoted, 203- 
206. 

Clement VI., 180, 183; letters 
to Cola di Rienzo, 190-192, 
216; summoned by Rienzo to 
return to Rome, 200; letters 
from Rienzo to, 207-211, 217- 
220, 226-230; letters to papal 
legate, 216, 231-235; writes 
people of Rome, 235-237. 

Cluny, abbot of, 66, 86, 89, 
91. 

Cluny, monastery of, 29. 

Cola di Rienzo, career of, 177; 
early history of, 179; goes to 
Avignon, 180; made tribune, 
181; excommunication and 
flight of, 182; imprisonment 
and death, 183, 203; titles 
used by, 189; writes letters to 
Florence, 192, 222-225; writes 
to a friend at Avignon, 193- 



195; receives knighthood, 196- 
202; citation to Emperor and 
Electors, 203-206 ; writes Clem- 
ent VI., 207-211, 217-219, 
226-230; summary by Gio- 
vanni Villani of his acts, 212- 
214; coronation of, 214-215; 
writes to Raynold Orsini, 220- 
222. 

College of Cardinals, 31. 

Cologne, archbishop of, 30, 206. 

Colonna family, 178, 196, 212. 

Como, bishop of, 71. 

Conrad, emperor of Germany, 
30. 

Constance, 36, 57. 

Constantin Kopronymos, 10. 

Constantinople, 4-5, 100. 

Conventus Oppenheimensis, 34; 
quoted, 41-42. 

Cosheim, Oudalric, bishop of, 

51- 
Crusades, 95-98. 
Cunibert, Bishop, 20. 

De Gestis Karoli Magni, 11 ; 

quotation from, 23. 
De Monarchia of Dante, 179. 
Donizo, 37-38. 
Donizonis Vita Matildis, 37; 

quoted, 85-87. 

Easter, computation of dates 

for, 8. 
Edessa, 96, 100. 
Einhard, 9-10, 18. 
English "nation," 139. 
Erlung, bishop of Wurzburg, 37. 
Eustace, Count, 107. 

FfecAMP, 142. 

Flaccus, 20. 

Florence, 184-186, 192-193, 211- 

213, 222-225. 
Foresheim, 32, 35, 41, 60, 73, 

79. 
Frangipani family, 178. 



246 



Index 



Prankish kings, 4, 6, 8. 
Frederic II., German emperor, 

143- 
French "nation," 139. 
Fulda, monastery of, 10. 
Fulk of Chartres, 100, 109. 

GiETANI FAMILY, 1 78. 

Galdemarus, Count, 120. 

Gartanus, count of Fondi, 219. 

Gaston of Beert, 109, 125-126. 

Geneva, 64. 

George Synkellos, 10. 

Gerald, bishop of Osria, 73. 

Germar, 20. 

Gesta Francorum et aliorum Hiero- 

solyniitanorum, 99 ; quoted, 

103-109. 
Gesta Francorum Jerusalem ex- 

pugnantium, 100; quoted, 109- 

Gesta Ludovici, 141; quoted, 148- 

Giovanni Villani: Historia Uni- 
versalis, \S^; quoted, 21 1-2 1 4. 

Godfrey, duke of Bouillon, 96, 
103, 106-107, 112, 115, 132. 

Greeks, 97. 

Gregory VII. (Hildebrand), 29; 
threatens Henry IV. with ex- 
communication, 31; forced 
from Rome by Henry, 32; 
excommunicates Henry, 32 ; 
receives Henry at Canossa, 
40-42, 48, 50, 53, 67, 74, 78, 
84, 86; charges against Henry 
made to, 81-82. 

Gregory IX., 143; letter to bish- 
op of Paris, 158-160; letter 
to bishops of Le Mans and 
Senlis and the archdeacon of 
Chalons, 161-162; letter to 
King Louis and Queen Blanche, 
162-163; letter to the Masters 
and Students at Paris and 
Angers, 164-165; letter to the 
Masters and Students of Paris, 



165-171; letter to Odo, ab- 
bot of Saint Germain -des- 
Pres, 172; letter to King 
Louis, 173-174- 
Guelf and Ghibelline, 219. 

Hadrian I., pope, 6, 19. 

Helingot, 20. 

Henry III., German emperor, 
appoints popes, 29; death of, 
30. 

Henry III., king of England, 
letter to Masters and Stu- 
dents of Paris, 152. 

Henry IV., German emperor, 29; 
minority and marriage, 30; 
subdues the Saxons, 31; ex- 
communicated by pope, 31, 
82; signs agreement at Op- 
penheim, 34, 40-42, 57-58, 72; 
war with Rudolph, 41; at 
Canossa, 43-50, 53, 67, 73, 75, 
78, 84; oath of, 90-91. 

Henry VII., German emperor, 
177, 179. 

Hersfeld, monastery of, 34. 

Hildebald, Archbishop, 20. 

Hildebrand {see Gregory VII.). 

Historia Francorum qui Ceperunt 
Jerusalem, 100; quoted, 115- 

133- 
Holy Land, 95, 98. 

Innocent III., 140, 143. 
Innocent VI., 183. 
Irene, Empress, 6. 

Jerusalem, arrival of crusaders 
before, 96, 103; siege and cap- 
ture of, 106-113, 117-118, 126- 
133; description of city by 
Fulk of Chartres, no. 

Jesse, Bishop, 20. 

Joanna, queen of Naples, 178, 
182, 232. 

John Blund, 147, 

John Colonna, 220. 



247 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 



John of Columna, 142. 
John of Vico, 181, 194. 
Joppa, 105, 120-121, 128. 
Jordan, river, 122. 
Justinian, Emperor, 4. 

Lambert, of Hersfeld, 33, 34. 
Lamherti Annates, 34-35; quoted, 

42-56. 
Lausanne, bishop of, 69. 
Le Mans, bishop of, 159, 161, 

163. 
Leo III., protected by Charles 

the Great, 7, 19; Life of, 11; 

receives Charles in Rome, 13; 

purges himself of charges, 14, 

21, 24; crowns Charles, 15, 

17-19, 21. 
Lethold, 107. 
Letters of Clement VI. to the 

Papal Legate, i85; quoted, 

216, 231-236. 
Letter of Clement to the People 

of Rome, 187; quoted, 235- 

237- 
Letter of Clemejit VI. to Raymond, 

Bishop of Oroieto, 184; quoted, 

190-192. 
Letter of Gregory to the German 

princes, 38; quoted, 87-90. 
Letter of Rie^tzo to the City of 

Florence, 186; quoted, 222- 

225. 
Letters of Rienzo to Clement VI., 

185, 186; quoted, 207-211, 

217-219, 226-230. 
Letter of Rienzo to the Com7nune 

of Florence, 184; quoted, 192- 

193- 

Letter of Rienzo to a Friend at 
Avignon, 184; quoted, 193- 

195- . , 

Letter of Rienzo to Rtnaldo Orsim 

at Avignon, 186; quoted, 220- 

222. 
Lewis, king of Hungary, 233. 
Lex Rcgia, Tablet of, 180. 



Liber Bonithonis ad Amicum, 37; 

quoted, 84-85. 
Liber Caroli, 6. 
Liber Pontificalis, 11, 19. 
Lombards, encroachments of, 6. 
Lorsch, abbey of, 9. 
Louis IX., king of France, 153, 

159, 161-162, 171, 173. 
Ludwigof Bavaria, 177-179, 200, 

206, 214, 224, 233. 
Luttich, bishop of, 57. 

Magdeburg, 36, 56. 

Mainz, 13, 16, 41 ; archbishop of, 

57, 206. 
Mare Historiarum, 142; quoted, 

151- 
Marsiglio of Padua, 179. 
Mathew of Paris, 141; quoted, 

145-148. 
Matilda, countess of Tuscany, 

37-38; urges Gregory VII. to 

retire to Canossa, 48, 74, 84; 

intervention of, 66, 86, 89; 

death of mother, 85. 
Michael, Byzantine emperor, 24. 
Milan, archbishopric of, 31, 36. 
Miinster, bishop of, 57. 

Naumburg, bishop of, 68-69. 

Nicholas of Farnham, 147. 

Nomentum, 13. 

Norman "nation," 139, 147. 

Notker Balbus, 11. 

Notre Dame, school of, 137. 

Odo, abbot of Saint Germain- 
des-Pres, 172. 

Opertus, Margrave, 63. 

Oppenheim, 32; Henry's agree- 
ment at, 34, 40, 57, 72. 

Order of the Provisors, Closing 
the University of Paris, 151. 

Orleans, 151. 

Orsini family, 178, 195-196, 212. 

Otto, Bishop, 20. 

Otto, duke of Bavaria, 30, 80. 

48 



Index 



Paderborn, 7. 

Papacy, 5-6; crusade against 
marriage of clergy, and si- 
mony, 29 ; frees itself from im- 
perial control, 31. 

Parens Scientiarum, 165. 

Paris, bishop of, 146; letter from 
Gregory IX. to, 158-160. 

Paris, educational center, 137, 
139 {see University of Paris). 

Pascal, 22-23. 

Patavia, bishop of, 57, 61, 76. 

Patriarch of Jerusalem, 14. 

Pavia, 41, 71. 

Pepin, 6, 13. 

Perugia, 211, 213. 

Peter Desiderius, 123, 130. 

Petrarch, 179. 

Philip III., king of France, 141. 

Philip Augustus, 139, 143, 153. 

Picard "nation," 139, 146-147. 

Priscian, 170. 

Program of the Coronation of 
Cola di Rienzo, 186; quoted, 
214-215. 

quintius, 71. 

Ralph Coggeshall, 142, 150. 

Ralph of Maidenstone, 147. 

Ramla, 120-12 1. 

Ravenna, 13, 18. 

Raymond of Agiles, 100, 115. 

Raymond of Orvieto, 181, 190. 

Raymond Piletus, 104-105; takes 

part in siege of Jerusalem, 106, 

108, 112-113, 115; moves 

camp to Mount Zion, 116; 

goes toward Joppa, 120; fights 

at Ramla, 121. 
Raymond of Taurina, 104. 
Raymond, count of Toulouse, 

96, 100. 
Regina, 87. 
Rheims, 151. 
Robert, count of Flanders, 103, 

112, 115, 125, 127. 



Robert, king of Naples, 178. 

Robert of Normandy, 100, 103, 
112, 125, 127. 

Romain of St. Angelo, papal 
legate, 147. 

Roman Empire, disappearance 
of, 3; likeness of Charles the 
Great's empire to, 4, 8; rela- 
tion to Church, 5. 

Rome, barbarians' respect for, 
4-5; Charles the Great's jour- 
ney to, 7, 13, 17; Cola di 
Rienzo rider of, 177, 181; 
rivalry of great families in, 
178. 

Rottegar, 20. 

Rudolph, German emperor, 32, 
35, 37, 41, 73, 80-81. 

St. ^gidius, count of, 103-104; 
takes part in siege of Jeru- 
salem, 107. 

St. Blaise, monastery of, 36. 

St. Gall, Monk of, 11. 

St. Genevieve, school of, 137. 

St. Marcel, quarrel at, 145-146. 

St. Stephen, church of, in Jeru- 
salem, 103. 

St. Victor's, school of, 137. 

vSalic kings, 31. 

Samothrace, 10. 

Sardica, Council of, 56. 

Saxons, 30, 32, 36, 43, 75, 79- 
80, 81. 

Senlis, bishop of, 159, 161, 163. 

Siegfrid, archbishop of Mainz, 
8. 

Sienna, 21 1. 

Spires, 57, 60. 

Spring of Siloam, 105, 109, 118. 

Stephen, count of Blois, 100. 

Strasburg, bishop of, 57, 69. 

Suetonius, 10. 

Swabians, 79-81. 

Tancred, 100; prepares to at- 
tack Jerusalem, 103; protects 



249 



Parallel Source Problems in Medieval History 



prisoners, 109; steals and re- 
stores gold from Sepulcher, 114; 
occupies Bethlehem, 122; en- 
ters Jerusalem, 132. 

Temple of Solomon, 108, 113, 
132. 

Theophanis, lo-ii. 

Titles Used by Cola di Rienzo, 
184, 189-190. 

Todi, 211. 

Toul, bishop of, 60. 

Treves, bishop of, 57, 59, 61; 
archbishop of, 206. 

Tribur, 32. 

Turin, 64. 

Turks, 95, 97, 105, 120, 125. 

Ulm, 57. 

University of Paris, masters' 
power in, 139-140; dispersion, 
147, 150-151, 161, 163; return 
to Paris, 148, 150; privilege 
issued by kings to, 153-158; 
regulation of affairs by Greg- 
ory IX., 166-171. 

Utrecht, 57. 



Vercelli, bishop of, 52, 68, 84, 

91. 
Verdun, bishop of, 57. 
Vico Scotto, 199. 
Vita Anonymi di Cola di Rienzo, 

184; quoted, 196-203. 
Vita Karoli, 9-10; quotation 

from, 18-19. 
Vita Leonis III., 11; quotation 

from, 19-22. 

Werner, bishop of Merseburg, 

36. 
William of Auxerre, 165. 
William of Durham, 147. 
William Ebriacus, 128. 
William of Nangis, 141, 148. 
William Richau, 126. 
William of Sabram, 105, 120. 
WiUiam Ugo, 123. 
Worms, 32, 42, 58; bishop of, 76. 

YsoARDUS, Count, 123. 

Zachary, 14. 

Zeitz, bi^op of, 52, 55. 



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